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From the
RUSSELL E. TRAIN AFRICANA COLLECTION
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Plate I
Masai warrior.
THE MASAI
THEIR LANGUAGE AND FOLKLORE
BY
A, C. HOLLIS
WITH INTRODUCTION BY SIR CHARLES ELIOT
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1905
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.
PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD LONDON, EDINBURGH NEW YORK AND TORONTO
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PREFACE
The Masai occupy a considerable part of the large plains which extend from about one degree north of the equator to six degrees south of it, situate in both British and German East Africa. Those living in British territory commonly call themselves Il-Maasae 1, whilst the ‘ German Masai ’ are to a large extent known as ’L-Oikop 2 or Il-Lumbwa 3. In olden days the coast people termed them without discrimination Wa-Masai or Wa-Kwavi 4, names which have been perpetuated by Krapf and others.
Sir H. Johnston states5, and probably correctly, that the Masai represent an early mixture between the Nilotic negro and the Hamite (Gala-Somali) ; and that this blend of peoples must have been isolated somewhere in the high mountains or plateaux which lie between the Nile and the Karamojo country. Certain it is that the Latuka, who are supposed to be descen¬ dants of the ancestral Masai, and who occupy this country, speak a language that is closely allied to the Masai tongue, and have many customs in common with the Masai. The accounts which have been published of the habits and
1 When spoken rapidly this word is sometimes pronounced Il-Masae (for further particulars see also p. 29, note 4).
2 ’L-Oikop is believed to signify the possessors of the land. It also means murder (see p. 27, note 3, and p. 311).
3 Not to be confounded with the so-called Lumbwa (whose real name is Kip-sikisi), a tribe living near the "Victoria Nyanza in British East Africa. These Lumbwa or Kip-sikisi are nearly related to the Nandi, and are believed to have migrated from north of Mount Eigon (Hobley, Eastern Uganda, p. 10). Lumbwa is a term of contempt, and signifies a pastoral people who have taken to agriculture.
4 The meaning of Kwavi (or Kwapi) in Masai is countries or somewhere. Hildebrandt’s suggestion ( Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, 1878, p. 349) that Maasae is derived from the Masai word ’masaa, property, and that Kwavi is a corrup¬ tion of kafi, the Swahili for paddle (given in allusion to their broad-bladed spears), is probably incorrect.
5 The Uganda Protectorate , vol. ii, p. 796.
IV
PREFACE
customs of the Masai are both numerous and varied, but com¬ paratively little is known of their language. The following books, which contain either short vocabularies or grammatical notes, are probably all that exist h
I. Vocabulary of the Engutuk Eloikop, Krapf, Tubingen, 1854.
II. Vocabulary of the Enguduk Iloigob, Erhardt, Ludwigsburg, 1857.
III. Life, Wanderings and Labours in Eastern Africa , Hew, London, 1874.
IV. Nubische Grammatik (Einleitung), Lepsius, Berlin, 1880.
V. Massailand- Exp edition, Fischer. (Mittheilungen der geo- graphischen Gesellschaft in Hamburg, 1882-3).
VI. A Visit to the Masai People , Last. The Geographical Journal, 1883.
VII. Die Sprache der Il-Oigob (die sogenannten Wakuafi und Masai). Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft (Band III), Muller, Vienna, 1884.
VIII. Polyglotta Africana orientalis, Last, London, 1885.
IX. The Kilima-Njaro Expedition, Johnston, London, 1886.
X. Durch Massailand zur Nilquelle , Baumann, Berlin, 1894.
XI. Masai Grammar, Hinde, Cambridge, 1901.
XII. The Uganda Protectorate , Johnston, London, 1902.
My endeavour in writing this book has been to place on record some of the thoughts and ideas of the Masai people, before their extinction or their admixture with Bantu elements and contact with civilization renders this an im¬ possibility. The stories, the proverbs, the riddles, the songs, and the account of the customs and beliefs of this interesting people are all given in the words of the relaters themselves.
My thanks are due to Sir C. Eliot for many valuable hints, and for the kindly interest he has shown in my work; to Mr. W. J. Monson for the free translation of the songs and prayers ; to Mr. R. J. Stordy and to Saleh bin Ali for the loan of their photographs ; and to the Director of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, and to the officials of the Agricultural and Forestry Departments, East Africa Protectorate, for determining the names of the trees and plants.
In conclusion I wish to pay a tribute of the highest praise to the work of the Church Missionary Society in East Africa.
1 When this was written Merker’s book Die Masai (Berlin, 1904) had not been published.
PREFACE
Some years ago this body conceived the idea of educating at their central station at Freretown, near Mombasa, a few of the most promising of their up-country converts. When sufficiently advanced, these boys or men are sent back to their homes and become teachers of the Gospel. Thus, one Ol-omeni1, a member of the Oikop or Lumbwa Masai, who had spent some years under the able tuition of the Rev. A. R. Steggall at Taveta, was baptized under the name of Justin, and completed his education at the coast. He is now one of the principal supports of the Society in Southern Masailand. To the kindness of the Society in lending me Justin Ol-omeni’s services, and to the diligence of Justin Ol-omeni himself, I am in a large measure indebted for the material contained in this book. Philologists will possibly be interested to hear that there exist Masai (and possibly members of other tribes whose language has ever been a closed book) who are able to correspond with one another in their mother tongue. I have in my possession, for instance, several letters written in Masai.
As a well-wisher of the Masai and one who has known them for a decade, I consider that every support should be given to the Church Missionary Society and to the other Missions engaged in proselytizing in their midst, for it is only by the gradual and peaceful civilization of the tribe that they can be saved from extinction. The encroachments of civilization are beginning to be felt in East Africa ; and the famous Rift Valley and the high plateaux where the fierce, bloodthirsty Masai once reigned supreme, are now becoming colonized by the white settler. It has often been proved in other parts of the globe that the native, on the advent of the white man, alters his habits or ceases to exist, and it is to be hoped that the Masai will choose the first of these alternatives.
Nairobi,
East Africa Protectorate, May , 1904.
A. C. HOLLIS.
1 Ol-omeni means He who is despised. When this name was given him, he was a small, sickly child, and not expected to live.
[vi]
CONTENTS
PAGE
Masai Grammar . i
Alphabet and pronunciation ...... i
Changes of letters . . . . . . . *2,53
The Accent ......... 7
Gender and Number ........ 9
The Article . 10
Cases . . . . . . . . . .14
Substantives . . . . . . . . .18
Adjectives . . . 35
Comparison of Adjectives . . . . . *38
Numerals . 39
Pronouns . . . . . . . . . .41
Personal . . . . . . . . .41
Possessive ......... 42
Demonstrative . . . . . . . .43
Reflexive ......... 44
Relative ........ 45, 50
Indefinite ......... 46
Interrogative . . . . . . . *47
Verbs . 48
Simple Verbs . 57
Verbs denoting motion towards the speaker . . . 71
Verbs denoting motion from the speaker . . . *74
The Dative form ........ ^6
The Applied form . 78
The Reflexive and the Neuter or Quasi-passive form . 79
The Reflexive form of Derivatives ..... 80
Dative Verbs used as Reflexives . . . . .81
Intransitive Verbs . . . . . . . .81
The Reciprocal form . . . . . . .82
Causatives ......... 84
Neuter Verbs ......... 87
Auxiliary and Irregular Verbs . . . . .89
Reduplication . . . . . . . -97
Adverbs .......... 97
Conjunctions . . . . . . . . .100
Prepositions . . . . . . . . .101
Interjections . . . . . . . . .101
Masai Stories . .103
The hare and the elephants . . . . . .103
The warriors and the devil . . . . . .108
The warrior and his sisters; or, Why free love is permitted
among the Masai . . . . . . • 1 1 7
CONTENTS vii
PAGE
The devil called Sae-Kidongoi and the children . . .122
The warriors and the monkeys . . . . . .129
Konyek and his father . . . . . . . 133
The old man and his knee . . . . . . .147
Greed of the old man and his wife . . . . . 155
The woman and the children of the sycamore tree . . 16 1
The father of Marogo . . . . . . .165
The two wives and the twins . . . . . *171
The caterpillar and the wild animals . . . . . 179
The warrior and the Lnmbwa . . . . . .185
The boy, his brother, and their song . . . . .190
The ostrich chicks . . . . . . . .196
The crow who married a woman . . . . . .198
The hare, the hyena, and the lioness’s cave . . . .202
The demon and the child . . . . . . .215
The two Dorobo . . . . . . . . .223
The Dorobo and the giraffe . . . . . . .230
Masai Peo verbs and Sayings . 238
Illustrative Proverbs and Sayings . . . . *251
General Index to Proverbs and Sayings . . . -252
Masai Enigmas . 253
Divisions oe the Masai People . 260
Clans and families . . . . . . . .260
Districts and sub-districts . . . . . . .260
Ages and generations . . . . . . . ,261
Masai Myths and Traditions . 264
The story of the gods ........ 264
A devil . 265
The beginner of the earth . 266
„ ,, (another version) . . . .270
The story of Le-eyo’s disobedience . . . . .271
The origin of the Masai and Bantu people . . . .272
The story of the sun and moon . . . . . *273
The eclipse of the moon . . . . . . .274
Sunrise and sunset . . . . . . . *275
The stars . . . . . . . . . - 275
A halo round the moon and the milky way . . . .276
The rainbow . . . . . . . . .277
Comets . . 277
Sheet lightning ......... 278
The story of the flocks and the rain and sun . . .278
The story of the night and day . . . . . .278
The story of the sky and earth . . . . . -279
Earthquakes . . . . . . . . .279
Volcanoes and steam-jets . . . . . . *279
Caves .......... 280
CONTENTS
viii
PAGE
Masai Customs . 282
Women’s ornaments . . . . . . . .282
Men’s ornaments . . . . . . .28 3, 294
Masai salutations on arrival . . . f . .284
„ „ „ departure ...... 287
Hospitality ........ 287
Cattle, grass, and milk . . . . . . .288
Brand-marks and ear- cutting of cattle, sheep, and donkeys . 290
Warriors’ shields and spears . . . . . .291
Arrows of the elders . . . . . . . .291
The process of moving . . . . . . .292
Warriors’ kraals and slaughter-houses . . . . .292
The feast called the offspring . . . . . .293
Circumcision . . . . . . . . .294
Boys’ circumcision . . . . . . . .296
Girls’ circumcision . . . . . . . .299
The feast called E-unoto or the selection of a chief . . 299
Marriage .......... 302
The refuge (divorce) . . . . . . . .304
Death .......... 304
Mourning .......... 306
People’s souls and spirits, and snakes . , . . .307
Inheritance ......... 309
Crimes . . . . . . . . . .310
The extraction of teeth . 313
Shaving . . . . . . . . . .314
Spitting . . , • • . 3r5
Food . . . . . - 317
Wild animals . . . . . . . . *319
Games . . . . . . . . . .321
Peace ceremonies . . . . . . . .321
The ceremony of the red bead . . . . . . 323
Omens . . . . . 323
The medicine-men . . . . . . . .324
The smiths . . 330
Earthenware pots and gourds . . . . . . 331
Pipes . . . , . . 332
The divisions of the day . . . . . . . 332
Seasons and months . . . . 333
Yawning, hiccoughs, sneezing, and illnesses . . . *334
Trees and medicines . . . . . . . -335
How fire is obtained . , . . . . . *342
Wounds and surgeons ........ 343
Masai curses ......... 344
Masai form of oath ........ 344
Trial by ordeal ......... 345
Songs and prayers . 345
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATE
I. Masai warrior ...... Frontispiece
II. Masai elder wearing a fur cloak which is supposed to
resemble a cobra’s hood .... To face p. xvi
in. (<x) Masai warriors of various ‘ ages ’ and ‘ districts/ each with the shield of his ‘age’ and ‘'district/
(b) Scene on the Uganda Railway. Masai and other passengers ....... xxviii
iv. Masai warrior, showing pig-tail . . . . .102
v. (a) Masai women carrying firewood. ( b ) Masai wopian carrying a child, (c) Masai woman, showing neck¬ lace and ’surutya ear-rings . . . . .120
vi. (a) Masai cattle at the foot of O-satima. ( b ) Masai
moving their belongings . . . . . .127
vn. (a) Masai girls, showing ornaments, (b) Masai woman
and child, showing dress and ornaments . . .143
viii. (a) Inside a Masai kraal. (6) Masai woman erecting
kraal . . . . . . . . .170
ix. E-siangiki, or young married woman . . , . 1 7 7
x. ( a ) Masai woman cutting firewood, (b) Scene inside
a Masai kraal, showing women’s ornaments . . 195
xi. (a) Masai drawing blood from an ox by shooting a blocked arrow into one of the superficial veins of the neck. (&) Mock duel between two ’L-oingok . 257
xii. (1) Anklet of bells wopi by girls at dances. (2) Bell
worn by warriors who, for bravery, are called ’L- oingok. (3) Cow-bell. (4) Ol-lenywa fan used by old men to brush away the flies . . . .272
xiii. (1) Married woman’s ear with e-surutyai ear-ring and
ear ornaments. (2) Stone ear-ring weighing 2 lb.
14 oz. ; used for extending the lobe of the ear . . 283
xiv. (a) Masai rings of iron or brass worn by men and
women. (6) Ear-rings and ornaments worn by men ;
Nos. 1, 4, and 5 are also worn by boys and girls . 284
xv. Masai spears. (1) Old form; (2) Form in use twenty
years ago; (3) Present form . . . . .289
X
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
xyi. (a) Arm clamp of horn worn by warriors. ( b ) Masai shield (without decoration); (i) front view ; (2) back view ....... To face p. 291
xvii. (a) Inside a Masai kraal, (b) Place in the woods
where the warriors sleep after eating meat . . 292
xviii. (1) Bracelets of small iron rings bound over leather bands. (2) Warriors cap. (3) Masai sandal. (4, 5)
Masai warriors’ head-dresses (ostrich-feathers and lion’s skin) ........ 294
xix. (a) An O-Sipolio, or hoy who has been recently circum¬ cised, wearing a woman’s garments and the ’surutya ear-rings. (6) Masai warriors, showing the ear-ring called en-gulale and the arm-ring called e-rap . . 298
xx. (1) Necklace of brass wire, beads, and chains worn by women. (2) ’N-dorosi garment worn by warriors when proceeding on a raid after the election of an Ol-aunoni chief. (3) Ivory arm-ring worn by elders as a sign of wealth. (4) Belt worn by unmarried women, made of leather covered with beads of different colours . 301
xxi. (a) Masai woman shaving her husband. (6) Masai
moving their belongings from one kraal to another . 314
xxii. (a) Clubs: (1) Club of rhinoceros horn belonging to the spokesmen (ol-aigwenani) ; (2) Warrior’s club; (3)
Boy’s club, (b) Masai hatchet . . . -320
xxm. The principal Medicine-man of the Masai, Ol-Onana, the son of M-Batyany ; (1) wearing the cap of an official of the East Africa Protectorate, and carrying the iron poker; and (2) wearing native dress . . *326
xxiv. (1-3) Masai knives and sheath ; (4-7) Arrow heads
(4. used for cupping purposes ; 7. used by boys) . 330
xxv. (a) Razor and case. ( b ) Masai snuff-boxes . . . 332
xxvi. (1) Fire-sticks. (2) Tweezers. (3) Masai stool. (4)
Honey pot. (5) Leather bag . 342'
xxvii. (1, 2) Bow and quiver. (3, 4) Masai sword and sheath 356
[xi]
INTRODUCTION
The present work, by Mr. Hollis, Chief Secretary to the Administration of the East Africa Protectorate, treats of the language, traditions, and customs of the Masai, one of the most interesting and important tribes of those territories. I am not competent — and there must be few people in the world who are — to criticize by the light of independent knowledge the mass of material which he has brought to¬ gether, and will merely attempt briefly to summarize the information about the race which we now possess. Mr. Hollis’s previous contributions to anthropology, his opportunities for studying and daily conversing with the Masai, and his linguistic talents, which are well known to every one in East Africa, are a sufficient guarantee for the thoroughness and excellence of his work.
The Masai at present inhabit the inland districts of British and German East Africa from the equator to about 6° S. Few of them are found north of the Line, except an isolated settlement just south of Lake Rudolf, and they seem to avoid both the sea and the great central lakes. Many smaller pieces of water, such as Lakes Naivasha and Nakuru, are found in their haunts, but they neither use boats nor catch fish. They are divided at present into two sections, one of which, called ’L-Oikop, is agricultural and settled, while the other, or Masai proper, is entirely pastoral and nomadic. The difference between the two is evidently not ancient, for both speak practically the same language, and it is probable that the agriculturalists of the present time are nomads who have settled down. On the other hand, tradition does not carry the history of the tribe further back than a century at the most 1, and it would be rash to assume that the nomad pastoral state is primitive or very ancient. It is quite probable that there was a large agricultural settlement on the Uasin-Gishu plateau from which the more adventurous warriors detached themselves.
In East Africa the Masai are clearly distinguished by their language, customs, and appearance from the Bantu races (although the latter often imitate them, and have received a certain proportion of Masai blood), and equally clearly
1 The genealogy of the medicine men goes back about 200 years.
INTRODUCTION
xii
related to the Suk-Turkana and Nandi-Lumbwa 1. Somewhat more distantly allied to the same stock are the inhabitants of South Kavirondo or Ja-luo. These races again show clear resemblances to some of the peoples who inhabit the banks of the Southern Nile, such as the Acholi, Bari, Latuka, Dinka, and Shilluk. The whole group are sometimes classed together as Nilotic, and have many peculiarities in common. Their languages show a considerable, though varying, degree of affinity; physically they are tall, thin men, with features which are not markedly negroid, and are sometimes almost Caucasian : several remarkable customs, such as the nudity of the male sex and the habit of resting standing on one leg, are found among them all, The closest connexion seems to be between the Acholi and the Ja-luo, and between the Masai, Latuka, and Bari. The Masai, Nandi, Lumbwa, Suk, and Turkana all possess in a more or less developed form a military organization which obliges all the male population, between the ages of about seventeen and thirty, to submit to a special discipline and constitute a warrior class. A similar organiza¬ tion does not seem to be recorded among the tribes who dwell along the Nile 2. These latter are not a homogeneous group, so that the word Nilotic must be used with caution. The Madi, who occupy a large portion of the country between Lake Albert and Gondokoro and extend well to the east of the river, are linguistically different from their neighbours, and apparently represent an invasion from the west, though in customs they do not seem to differ markedly from the Bari.
A glance at the map will show that from the Rift Valley to the Nile there runs in a north-westerly direction a broad belt of non-Bantu languages, more or less allied to one another, Masai, Nandi, Suk, Turkana, Karamojo, Latuka, Bari, and Dinka. The Karamojo appear to be Bantus who have been forced to accept an alien form of speech. This distribution of languages seems clearly to suggest a south-eastward move¬ ment from the country between the north of Lake Rudolf and the Nile. The hypothesis is rendered more probable by the fact that in East Africa as elsewhere the course of invasions has been mainly from the north to the south. This is certainly
1 The name Lumbwa is confusing. It is really a term of opprobrium applied by the nomadic warriors to agriculturalists of their own or allied races (not, apparently, to Bantus). Hence the ’L-Oikop are often called Lumbwa Masai. But the name is popularly and officially applied to a tribe closely allied to the Nandi who live to the south of the Nyando valley.
2 Baker perhaps alludes to something similar among the Latuka whose young men, he says, live for fighting only.
INTRODUCTION
xiii
the case with the Gallas, Somalis, and Abyssinians (who are rapidly encroaching on the Protectorate), and probably with the Bahima. It also seems probable that the physical type of these races (Masai, Nandi, Turkana, Dinka, &c.) represents a mixture between the negro and some other factor. It does not seem to me possible to make any definite statement as to what that factor may be, but the neighbourhood of Egypt and Abyssinia renders several hypotheses plausible. Baker states that the appearance of the Latuka (who are probably the closest allies of the Masai) points to a Galla origin, and that there are Gallas on the east bank of the river Choi only fifty miles east of Latuka* which they have often invaded. It may therefore be that the Nilotic tribes, and possibly also the Hausas to the west, represent a hybrid of the negro and Galla.
There is absolutely nothing to show when the Masai moved southwards, but the traditions reported by Mr. Hollis (p. 364, &c.) seem to place the earliest history of the world in an East African setting, and convey no hint of an earlier home. The chief characters in these stories are the Masai, the Dorobo (hunting tribes), and the Bantu (Meek), and the principal event some arrangement by which the Masai obtain a right to all the cattle in the world. This seems to indicate that they must have been a long time in their present haunts, and have lost all remembrance of their origin. Some of the proverbs, such as ‘ The zebra cannot change his stripes/ and ‘ Mountain does not meet mountain/ have a familiar oriental ring; but it would be unsafe to speculate how they came to Masailand.
A very different view of the past of the Masai is suggested by Merker’s recent work ( Die Masai, Berlin, 1904). He regards them as belonging to the same stock as the ancient Hebrews, and quotes a great number of traditions respecting the creation, deluge, ten commandments, &c. which resemble the Biblical and Babylonian versions of primitive history. A critical examination of these stories is very desirable, as one cannot help suspecting that they contain elements borrowed from Christian or Mohammedan sources. On the other hand, in all questions affecting the origin of East African races, our only data are the most recent types of physique, religion, and language, and we cannot, as in the case of more civilized nations, go back two or three thousand years with comparative certainty. We can form no idea of how many strata of population such a period would represent in Africa ; what mixtures and disruptions of races it would include.
XIV
INTRODUCTION
A tribe coming from the north like the Masai, and possibly at one time in touch with races influenced by ancient Egypt, may conceivably represent not an improvement of the primaeval African stock but a degeneration of some other race. Still, the accounts which we have of the Bari and Dinka ascribe to them the same vague belief in a supernatural power, which most inquirers have reported as existing among the Masai, and an absence of traditions respecting the origin of the human race h
The history of the Masai, as far as we know it for the last hundred years, presents as its most important feature a conflict between the pastoral and agricultural sections, ending in the victory of the former and the annihilation of large settlements of the latter. The conflict was disastrous for the race, for the portion which survived depended entirely on cattle and raid¬ ing for subsistence. The herds suffered severely from plague in the eighties, and the advent of Europeans and the gradual introduction of the Pax Britannica could not be otherwise than unfavourable to the pre-eminence of a tribe whose prosperity depended so largely on continually plundering their neighbours. Nevertheless from at least 1850 to the early eighties the pastoral Masai were a formidable power in East Africa. They successfully asserted themselves against the Arab slave-traders, took tribute from all who passed through their country, and treated other races, whether African or not, with the greatest arrogance. About 1859 they raided Vanga, on the coast near the present German frontier. Thomson {Through Masai Land , 1885) describes how, in 1883, they entered his camp and ordered about the whole caravan, including himself, as if they had been masters and the travellers slaves. This period of triumph was succeeded by one of disaster. Rinderpest attacked the cattle and small-pox human beings. The surrounding tribes who had suffered from their raids were not slow to revenge themselves for the oppression and plunder of the past, and a severe famine completed the catalogue of misfortunes. The numbers of the Masai were undoubtedly greatly reduced, and at present those found in British East Africa only amount to a very modest figure, variously estimated at from 25,000 to 12,500. The latter estimate, which is the latest and perhaps the most correct, is based on the assumption that there are 7,500 in the
1 See Mitterrutzner, Die Dinka Sprache, 1866, p. 56, &c. It is true that some expressions ascribed to the Dinka, such as ‘We do not know — the wise men know,’ might be interpreted as a consciousness of the loss of traditions.
INTRODUCTION
xv
Naivasha province and 5,000 between Kikuyu and Kilima- Njaro.
The expansion of the tribe seems to have come to an end about the middle of the last century. About 1830 they reached their furthest recorded point in the south and were driven back by the Wagogo and Wahehe. The southward movements of the Gallas and Somalis kept them back on the north-east, though as late as the nineties they raided on the Tana river. It would appear that about 1850 the Turkana drove the most westerly branch of the Masai from the west to the south of Lake Rudolf, where they are now settled. Somewhere about the same period — at the time an old man can remember according to the native expression — the Masai dwelling on the Uasin-Gishu plateau attacked those of Naivasha, and after defeating them were in their turn thoroughly defeated by a combination of Naivasha and allies from Kilima-Njaro. The inhabitants of the Uasin-Gishu were scattered to the four winds : those who escaped their brethren were annihilated by the Nandi, and only a few fragmentary remnants survive in Kavirondo, Lumbwa, and the two villages called Great and Little Enjamusi at the south end of Lake Baringo. Another branch called ’L-Osigella or Segelli took refuge in the Nyando valley but were wiped out by the Nandi and Lumbwa. The Laikipia plateau, which is now uninhabited like the Uasin-Gishu, was not depopulated in 1889, when Peters crossed it and had many fights with the Masai. According to one story, the people of Laikipia raided some other Masai near Nairobi about 1890 and carried off their cattle. These cattle were suffering from rinderpest, and the result was that all the stock of the Laikipia took the disease and died. This was considered as a judgment on the Laikipia for raiding their brethren.
At present the agricultural Masai are found chiefly near Lake Natron and south of Mount Meru in German territory. In our Protectorate they are represented only by a few scattered settlements, such as the people of Enjamusi, the Burkeneji, and perhaps the people of Samburu in the Rendile country. It would appear that the name Wakwavi, often applied to the agriculturalists, is merely a Swahili nickname borrowed from the Masai Kwayi or Kwapi, meaning places. The pastoral section classify themselves under five districts, with many subdivisions, namely Kaputiei (Kapite plains), En-aiposha (Naivasha), Kisongo (the district south and west of Kilima-Njaro), Uasin-Gishu, and ’L-Aikipyak. The two last districts, as mentioned, have ceased to exist, and those who
XVI
INTRODUCTION
claim to belong to them live elsewhere. Merker gives as the principal divisions three provinces, Kisongo, Loita, and Olbruggo. This is perhaps not according to Masai traditions, but is not incorrect as a practical description of the present distribution of the tribe. The Loita and Olbruggo, also known as Elburgon and Purko, are both subdivisions of the Naivasha district, of whom the former acquired importance by refusing to accept the present Laibon, Lenana, and following instead his brother Sendeyo. Besides these districts, there are four clans representing genealogical not territorial divisions: Aiser, Mengana, Mokesen, and Molelyan. The Aiser seem to enjoy a certain primacy. The medicine men all belong to this clan, which is specially connected with Mount Ngong (to the south of Kikuyu), also called Ol-doinyo loo-’l- Aiser, the mountain of the Aiser.
According to the social system of the pastoral Masai the male sex is divided into boys, warriors, and elders. The first stage continues until circumcision, which may be performed any time between thirteen and seventeen, or sometimes in the case of poor people not till twenty. Those who are circum¬ cised about the same time (see p. 261 for details) are said to belong to the same age, and are known collectively by a distinctive name, stich as 'the White Swords’ or 'the Invincibles.’ After circumcision the warriors plait their hair, but, except for a small skin hanging over the shoulders, and their arms and ornaments (which are described by Mr. Hollis), go absolutely naked. They subsist entirely on meat, milk, and blood, and in particular may not smoke or touch intoxi¬ cants. They do not live with the married people, but in separate kraals with the immature unmarried girls, with whom they are allowed to cohabit freely. Tradition1 (see p. 1 17) ascribes this practice to the fear that if girls were kept away from the society of their own warriors, they would let themselves be seduced by the enemy ; but the remedy has been worse than the danger it was to avert. The direct physical evil is considerable, and is partly responsible for the diminishing numbers of the race. Besides this, female morality after such a girlhood was naturally low, even when the Masai kept to themselves. Now that they have come into contact with civilization, prostitution and venereal disease have become deplorably frequent. About the age of twenty- seven or thirty, or nowadays when raiding is forbidden somewhat earlier, a warrior marries and settles down. If he
1 It is said that among the Dinka, Bari, and Shilluk there are similar customs of free love.
Plate II
Masai elder wearing a fur cloak which is supposed to resemble a cobra’s hood.
INTRODUCTION
xv n
is a man of wealth and importance he may be elected chief 1, in which case he is responsible for the discipline of the warriors and their appearance when summoned to fight, though he does not go to the wars himself. As with most East African tribes an elder’s ideal of existence seems to be ease, not unmixed with drunkenness. Proverb No. 64 (p. 249), 'Don’t lie with your feet against a post like the father of many sons,’ meaning 'Don’t give yourself airs,’ is a vivid picture of the Masai pater familias taking his ease in the primitive posture of lying on his back with his feet against a post, while his family do all the work for him.
Masai women, unlike the men, are carefully dressed in leather garments, but a rare, and according to our ideas most unbecoming, custom forces them to shave their heads. Before marriage they are circumcised, and signalize their change of state by wearing large circular earrings and necklaces of brass and iron wire. Both girls and women have their legs and arms encased in iron ornaments, so that they can some¬ times hardly walk.
This military organization of the Masai made them a most effective body for destructive military operations, and explains not only the predominant position which they acquired in East Africa, but also the respect which they inspired and the extent to which their customs were imitated by other tribes. On the other hand, it probably also is the reason why they never founded any state or polity analogous to the kingdoms of Uganda and Unyoro. The centre of political gravity was not with the elders or chiefs, but with a republic of young men, governed by ideas of military comradeship and desirous only of military glory. Retirement from this band of warriors as a chief was honourable, but seems to have been recognized as a removal to an inferior sphere of activity. The chiefs arranged the details of the raids which the warriors wished to undertake, but their power of compelling them to do anything which they did not wish was very slight.
The nearest approach to a central and superior authority among the Masai is the medicine man or Laibon (more correctly Ol-oiboni ; see p. 324, &c.). They all belong to the Kidongi family of the Aiser clan, and are said to be descended from a personage called Ol-le-Mweiya, who came down from heaven and was found by the Aiser sitting on the top of Mount Ngong. This was nine generations ago, the genealogy having been preserved. The influence of the
1 The chief is elected from the warriors, but leaves their ranks at once and becomes an elder.
hollis b
INTRODUCTION
xviii
medicine man is due to his supposed power of prophecy and divination. No explanation is offered of this power, nor does it appear that the Laibons are believed to enjoy the acquaintance and assistance of definite spiritual beings; but they can foretell the future by such methods as throwing stones out of a horn, inspecting the entrails of slaughtered animals, interpreting dreams, and delivering oracles when intoxicated with honey wine. Great, however, as is their influence, it does not appear that either among the Masai or the Nandi, where similar institutions prevail, they have ever attempted to assume a position like that of the various small sultans of the coast or the kings to the west of Lake Victoria.
The most celebrated of these medicine men was Mbatian, the father of the present holder of the office, Lenana, who died about 1890. He is celebrated for having prophesied outbreaks of cattle plague and small-pox, which duly came to pass; and also for having foretold the arrival of white people. It is generally said that he bade the Masai be friendly to them, but Mr. Hollis could not find any cor¬ roboration of this statement. His death was followed by a disputed succession. There is considerable discrepancy as to the details of the story, but, according to the versions taken down by Mr. Hollis (p. 327), Mbatian told his eldest son Sendeyo that on the morrow he would invest him with the insignia of a Laibon, of which the principal is an iron club. Lenana, the younger son, overheard, and presented himself before his father very early the next morning. Mbatian, who was very aged and had only one eye, behaved much like Isaac in similar circumstances, and gave his younger son the insignia, saying ‘Thou shalt be great among thy brothers and among all the people.’ In any case, Lenana succeeded, and was accepted as Laibon by all the Masai except the Loita. This created a division in the tribe, and as it roughly corresponded with the division between British and German territory, Sendeyo was long regarded as the chief of the German Masai and Lenana of the British. But in 1902 Sendeyo quarrelled with the German administration, made his peace with his brother, and came over to the British Protectorate.
The religious ideas of the Masai, as collected by Mr. Hollis, are vague and unformulated. The commonest word for God is Eng-ai, which it will be observed is a substantive with a feminine article. Eng-ai appears to be used either quite indefinitely and impersonally of remarkable natural phenomena
INTRODUCTION
xix
(especially rain, the sky, and volcanoes), or else definitely and personally of superhuman beings. In this latter sense it is said that there are two Gods (Ing-aitin are), the Black God and the Red God, of whom the former is kindly, but the latter malevolent. It is the special function and pleasure of the Black God to provide rain, but the Red God objects to turning on the celestial water-tap. Loud thunder is the result of the Red God trying to get to earth through the Black God’s dominions in order to kill men, but the distant rumbling is the Black God saying to him, ‘ Do let them alone ; don’t kill them.’ This happy fancy that the good god is near but the bad god far, which is probably no accident but due to the fundamental characteristics of the Masai mind, has doubtless saved untold suffering, for it does away at once with the necessity for human sacrifices and all similar methods of propitiating cruel powers. Besides the Black and Red Gods there is a quasi-divine personage called Naiteru-Kop, who appears to have been, if not the creator, at least the arranger of the present order of things. A man called Le-eyo appears to have been the principal patriarch, though there were also Dorobo (hunting tribes) in his time, so that he was not strictly the first man. Death entered the world owing to his selfishness and disobedience (p. 269), and, by an incident common in stories of this kind, his younger son became the father of the Masai, while his elder son lost his birthright, and was the ancestor of the inferior tribes.
The worship of the Masai, like their beliefs, seems to be somewhat vague and wanting in ceremonial, but Mr. Hollis’s collection shows that they have definite prayers, and that they petition the deity more frequently and fervently than the surrounding tribes are known to do. This is confirmed by Thomson, who speaks of them howling out prayers to Eng-ai for hours together. By a custom not without parallel in other nations, it would appear that the women pray twice a day, but the men only occasionally and in grave circum¬ stances. The prayers which are for children, rain, and victory, are addressed to Eng-a'i as a distinct personality ‘ who is prayed to and hears.’ Remarkable also is the phrase ‘the highlands and lowlands of our vast country which belongs to our God.’ On the other hand, the sun and moon, the morning and evening star, and the mountain clouds are also invoked, and one song says in two consecutive verses, ‘He whom I pray to is God,’ and ‘He whom I pray to is Lenana, our medicine man.’ It is difficult to say whether
XX
INTRODUCTION
we have here primitive and undeveloped religious sentiment where the personality of the deity is hardly separated from striking natural phenomena, or remnants of some old cultus of the heavenly bodies, mountains, and tribal deities preserved in a hazy way by a military race which had not paid much attention to religion.
The Masai believe that ordinary persons die like cattle, and they throw away their corpses to be eaten by hyenas ], in the revoltingly unceremonious way common to many East African tribes. Medicine men, however, and influential people are buried, and their souls are said to pass into snakes, which are respected in consequence. Many tribes on the Nile also reverence snakes. It is noticeable that death and misfortune are not attributed to witchcraft. The Laibon is not the same as the Witch Doctor of the Bantu tribes, and it is no part of his duties to detect witches.
As the Masai men will practically do nothing but fight or tend cattle, they are naturally dependent on others for all articles, including their arms, which cannot be manu¬ factured by women. There is among them a special tribe of smiths, called Il-Kunono, who make iron weapons, but are treated as inferiors and not allowed to marry Masai women. A somewhat similar tribe are the Dorobo or hunters.
It would appear that the military organization, the aversion to hunting, to eating game or vegetable food, and to engaging in agriculture or any productive art are peculiarities specially developed by the Masai, though some of them have been imitated by other tribes. Another peculiarity is the shape of their houses — long low buildings constructed of poles, grass, and mud, and divided into rooms by partitions. Their other customs, however, seem to tally with those of the Latuka, Bari, and Dinka, as far as differences of residence and occupation permit. Remarkable points of agreement are the nudity of the men, the shaven heads of the women, extraction of the middle teeth of the lower jaw, resting in a standing position on one leg, drinking the blood from living animals, and spitting as a sign of affection or benediction.
Linguistic evidence points the same way, though ampler and clearer information about the languages of the Nile is desirable for purposes of comparison. It is no want of respect to the labours of Sir H. Johnston and others to say that the researches of Mr. Hollis have for the first time
1 It has been suggested that this practice may be due to a desire not to contaminate the earth by burial, but Mr. Hollis could find no trace of this idea, although he carefully inquired.
INTRODUCTION
xxi
made the grammatical system of the Masai language coherent and clear. It has a marked love for lengthy formations, and until the articles, relatives, verbal prefixes and affixes had been separated out it was impossible to discover not only roots, but even the simple forms of nouns and verbs. Much still remains to be done in dividing these forms into their essential parts and formative elements, but the general structure of the language appears to be established beyond doubt.
Except for the length of the words, the phonetics are simple and easy. Difficult groups of consonants and the harsher gutturals are absent, and the utterance seems to be somewhat languid, and in particular the pronunciation of the labials tends to be indistinct. The verb is clearly distinguished from the noun, and shows great luxuriance of formation, but has only moderate powers of expressing the categories of personality and time. A prefix indicates not only the subject but also the pronominal object; but the distinction is not always complete : thus Aasuj means either I follow thee, or they follow me ; Kisuj, thou fol lowest me, they follow thee, or we follow him. Only present and past times are clearly and regularly expressed. The future is sporadic. The imperative is not, as in so many languages, the simple verbal root, but a form analogous to the subjunc¬ tive. The negative is expressed by m or mi, but various circumlocutions are also used. There is a great wealth of derivative forms. These comprise an impersonal passive ; forms denoting motion to and from the speaker; a form indicating that the action is done in the interests of some one ; another indicating the instrument with which or the place in which a thing is done; reflexive, causative, and neuter formations.
Unlike the verb, the noun shows very little power of inflexion, and can only indicate number. The plural is formed by a great variety of suffixes, such as a, i, o, ra, ta , tin, shi , shin, ni, n, k, &c., but it is noticeable that the singular is often formed from the plural, that is to say, a collective noun is individualized by the addition of a suffix, e.g. Il-Keyu, the Elgeyo tribe, Ol-Keyuni, one man of the tribe ; il-akir, stars, but ol-akira, a particular star. Not only are there no case inflexions, but prepositions are almost entirely absent, so that the possibility of indicating case relations in a substan¬ tive is very limited. The nominative and accusative are not distinguished except by position, even in pronouns. The genitive is expressed in various ways, usually with the help of the article and a particle of varying form, in which the
XXII
INTRODUCTION
letter l often occurs. Similar forms, but with t in the place of Z, are used as a local case with the most various meanings, such as in, out, to, from, at, with, &c. These very defective modes of expression are supplemented by the use of the derivative forms of the verb which indicate motion to or from, action in the interest of a person or by means of a thing. After the verb, the vitality of the language appears to be concentrated in the article and the relative. The article ( ol , masc. sing., il, plural; en, fern, sing., in plural1) indicates number and gender. The latter is more analogous to the grammatical genders in German than to the simple distinction between male and female beings, ol being used to denote what is big and strong, and en what is small and weak, so that side by side with instances of sexual distinction like ol-ashe, a male calf, eng-ashe, a female calf, we also have such pairs as ol-ayoni, a boy, eng-ayoni, a small boy; ol-alem, the sword, eng-alem, the knife. The power of expressing the genitive and locative cases resides principally in the article, and as a rule a noun is unintelligible unless it is accompanied by it, the chief exception being abstract nouns which naturally are not numerous in the stage of mental development which the Masai have reached. It is noticeable that the article is more general in signification than either the definite or indefinite articles of other languages, and merely expresses the existence of individual objects or collective groups as separate entities. But that it is of the nature of an article and not a mere formative prefix is shown by the fact that the demonstrative, interrogative, and some other pronouns can be substituted for it (e.g. ol-tungani, the m&n; ledo-tungani, that man; kalo-tungani, what man?). Very remarkable is the use of the article with a genitive to form a substantival expression, equivalent to the use of an adjective as a noun in other languages, e.g. ol-lo-’l-masi, the-of-the-mane, that is, the maned one or lion; ol-le-’l- lughunya, the-of-the-head, the brain (cf. ey/<e0oAos) ; ol-le-’ng- aina, the-of-the-hand, the handed one, the elephant (cf. Sanscrit hastin, an elephant, from hasta, hand).
The relative which offers many resemblances to the article consists of the syllables o, oo in the masculine, and na, naa in the feminine. By prefixing it almost any part of the verb can be turned into an attribute or relative sentence. This neat and concise usage is an effective compensation for the scarcity of real adjectives and participles. Also the article
1 Under conditions explained in the Grammar, the article becomes o, e, eng , and e% in the singular, and i, ing} and iftg in the plural.
INTRODUCTION
xxiii
and the relative can be used together to form a noun : ol-o-unisho, the-who-sows, that is, the sower.
As far as our limited knowledge of it permits us to judge, Latuka is the language which most resembles Masai. It is spoken to the east of the Nile, about 40 N., rather to the north of Nimule. Unfortunately we have no account of the grammar, but Emin Bey {Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, 1882, pp. 174-8) and Baker {The Albert Nyanza) have given some contributions towards a vocabulary. About a third of the words known are obviously the same as the Masai equiva¬ lents, and of the remainder many look as if they would prove identical when we have a better knowledge of the changes the consonants may undergo and can separate the roots and formative elements more accurately. This is a fair percentage of correspondences, if we consider how quickly unwritten languages change, and how often one member of a pair of related words may not be that in most general use. A traveller’s vocabulary of English and German would probably give ‘dog’ and ‘Hund’ as corresponding words, and not mention ‘ hound.’ An inspection of the Latuka words suggests that a , e, and n represent an article similar to that in Masai, but that the letter l is not used in this connexion. Aker, a male sheep, and naker, a female sheep, corresponding to the Masai ol-kerr and en-gerr, are significant.
The next nearest relative of Masai seems to be Bari1, spoken to the north-west of Latuka on both banks of the Nile. Friedrich Muller ( Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Band III, 1884) noticed the resemblance of this language both in grammar and vocabulary to Masai. The vocabulary would appear, however, to contain more than one element, and a considerable proportion of the words are unlike Masai, and perhaps are West African in origin. The grammatical forms are less developed and luxuriant than in Masai, and hence the words are shorter, but the system seems essentially similar. The verb has an active and passive voice, and distinguishes a durative, an aorist, and an imperative. The noun has a singular and plural formed by various affixes as in Masai, and the singular is sometimes the longer form, being derived from the plural by the addition of a syllable indicative of individuality. There are a few prepositions, but not many, though more than in Masai. The pronouns are fairly like those in Masai, and there is an article, masculine lo , feminine na, plural ti, but it is suffixed to the substantive. It is possible, however, that a k which is sometimes found at the beginning 1 Mitterrutzner, Die Sprache der Bari , Brixen, 1867.
XXIV
INTRODUCTION
of words may be the remnant of an article. Compare, for instance, kolong, sun ; kare, river ; konge, eye; komong, face, with the Masai eng-olong, eng-are, eng-ongu, eng-omom (cf. the vocatives with prefixed K, p. 15). A relative prefix like 0-, m- seems not to be known, but we find adjectival phrases like ko kure, thirsty (with thirst), and lo-dit (masculine), na-dit (feminine), small, which recall Masai constructions.
The Dinka1 language, spoken to the north of Bari, has, as Friedrich Muller points out, considerable resemblance to it. A good number of words can be reasonably compared with Masai forms, but superficially the likeness is not great, as the Dinka words are generally monosyllabic and rarely have more than two syllables. Lem (knife) seems to be the Masai eng-alem ; mac (fire), en-gima; ton (man), ol-tungani; pey (moon), ol-apa, Bari yapa; kir (water), eng-are, Bari kare. It is not, however, probable that the Dinka forms are primitive, as they are capable of considerable changes which may be explicable by reference to older and fuller forms. For instance, lyeb, the tongue (? Masai ol-ngejep), can become lyep, lyema, lyem, lip and lib ; mac, fire, mane, man, and mec ; tik, a woman, wife (? connected with en-dito, in-doiye), tine, tin, ting, dyar. Except for these changes which affect the plural (e. g. ran, a man, ror, men) and the word on which a genitive depends (tik, wife, tin e beyn did, wife of the great chief), Dinka resembles Bari in its general construction. It would seem that Bari is nearest to the common substratum of these languages, though it has been exposed to foreign influences, and that Masai (with which Latuka should perhaps be included) and Dinka represent modifications in two different directions, Masai having a profusion of formative elements which are heaped one on the other and result in very long words, while Dinka is prone to contraction, which pro¬ duces irregular inflexions.
Turning to the East African languages I think that when the Nandi-Lumbwa and Suk-Turkana groups have been more fully investigated they will prove to be closely allied to Masai, and therefore to the languages with which the latter is connected. To the best of my belief, our only materials for the study of these tongues are Johnston’s and Hobley’s vocabularies, and our knowledge of the grammar is very defective. It is clear that there is a resemblance between simple words, particularly those denoting parts of the body (e. g. Eye : Masai, eng-ongu ; Nandi, konyak : Suk, kon ; Turkana, ekon. Mouth : Masai, en-gutuk ; Nandi, kotet ;
1 Mitterrutzner, Lie Linka Sprache, Brixen, 1866.
INTRODUCTION
XXV
Suk, kote ; Turkana, akotok). I think traces of articles can be detected, and Nandi certainly has many formative ele¬ ments combined with the essential part of the word, such as -t and -da to mark the singular, and k, nek, and wek for the plural. When the precise force of these prefixes and affixes is known, the degree of relationship with Masai will he plainer. The verbal forms quoted from Nandi seem very similar to those in Masai.
Nandi. compare Masai.
Aonget ane, I know.
Inget inye, thou knowest.
Ingen ni, he knows.
Kinget acek, we know.
Onget akwek, ye know.
Inget iceke, they know.
Maonget, I do not know.
Minget, thou knowest not. Minget inne, he does not know. Mokinget, we do not know. Nenyu mwonget, ye do not know. Menget icek, they do not know.
Asuj nanu, I follow.
Isuj iye, thou followest.
Esuj ninye, he follows.
Kisuj iyook, we follow. Isujusuju ’ndae, you follow. Esuj ninje, they follow.
Masuj, I do not follow.
Misuj, thou followest not. Mesuj, he does not follow. Mikisuj, we do not follow. Misujusuju, you do not follow. Mesuj, they do not follow.
In Masai it is not necessary to express the personal pronoun except to avoid ambiguity. Suk, like Masai and Nandi, has m as a sign of the negative, but Turkana has nye.
It does not appear to me that these languages — Masai, Nandi-Lumbwa, Suk and Turkana — have any clear kinship with Somali and Galla. The coincidences in vocabulary seem explicable as loan words. The grammatical system of all is compatible with the view, if it can be supported by other arguments, that all can be traced back to one stock, that is to say, none of the languages show an essentially different method of forming words and constructing sentences, as does, for instance, the Bantu group. But the similarity consists in the absence of striking differences rather than in points of positive agreement. It may be noted, however, that Somali has an article ; that the negative is ma ; that there are some resemblances with Masai in both the personal and possessive pronouns, and that those verbs which take prefixes offer a general resemblance to the corresponding Masai formations (Somali : a-qan, ta-qan , ya-qan, na-qan, ta-qan-in, ya-qan- in, I know, you know, &c., compare Masai a-suj, isuj, esuj, kisuj, isujusuju, esuj).
It may be of interest as throwing light on the relationships of East African languages to give the numerals of those which have been mentioned, as well as of Ja-luo, Acholi, and Madi.
XXVI
INTRODUCTION
|
3 < a |
Alo Erf Na Su Tou Azia Tudieri Arro Dritsald Mudri |
|
Acholi. |
fl _ ® § © *o £ i— l i l O ^ •as® |> - .2 s S !§ « •<3 <! <! <1 -=3 <3 <3<3<3 |
|
o {3 ►4 ◄ f-5 |
fl 3 3 r— H ® , 43 O _ P •s o .* s >> § ; 2 „ •s s « ,?l s ^ ? a •<j <J <J ^ <d o <3 |
|
■4 M g S |
s _ o3 a rj .3 fi ® * >0 SP Ph m ^ 1 W -td p* 0 © 44 S3 ? r nj 'd pO-^rd o vO &D K-_ K. K- «D |
|
3 « |
S '§ k S3 ,® S-wjh o ,y i3 « ® *- .2 © £< ^ c3 © >LobD»Pi ® *3 .® 2 * &» S 44 ?-§ (J s® art S S ^ S °3 => S3 d d d ^ H O g P W PP « M M P |
|
« t> CO |
- ’3 g a W> bD P g .H ® ^ ® £ g ’§ '§ 1 | ■£§§•- g.g’gg a 44 >» o '1 g^^So s^4 H o O O m S OP^ H |
|
•4 M « & H |
2d a d ._ 173 S o d •2 0 3 &C i fe o ® 2 pt _ "2 ^ *2 feo . si c ^ U S3 h flfls Sifjflfl S ® c3 c3 C cjci^ cj s«!3 S Ph bp M) O 44 r« 44 &C44 44 o P *5 *5 PP P HW H |
|
3 5 6 |
® a i-i bo £ 42 a ?d bo to ? a rt 'o 2 ® ip a 5? -s w m a d 2 •§ *3 ,2 o ® .2 o § <1 CO H CO CC Eh |
|
Latuka. |
(J 5® d ^doS)fl §) d o o g 0 £p2>,3-23.3 3 <J O ^Izjpq <1 O O Eh |
|
Masai. |
■ ‘ g cT ji fi 4 §V - ° ®*'^ a - b° ^ 2 •“ ffi ° "s § o 45 Pi © A i id W) b © ft.es ® Hp d d 42c3c3PH44^0?pa O Ol2i<l<JOH>OOH P O^MiO^J EH |
|
Somali. |
^ ^ i— i a ,_. e3 © P^S. 0(j)c3 s3 g 42 rd |c3 03 4d d rrj W) -2 c3 c3^-PO c« o3 O W P CO oo P pcoco Eh |
|
i a 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO |
S3
a m
© §
T3 *M CJ O oS
£ On-S M <«
<2 e*
*© '"o3
ga
"eS P
.2 s •s 2<g
fill
.sis
® e 3
,d ^ s
^ §f 8
'er§£>
rrt ■« 2
>SS
g 43 I KJ < h ®n
INTRODUCTION
XXVll
This list of numbers suggests the following reflections among others: (a) Madi is quite different from the other languages, and gives the impression more than Somali of belonging to a different group, (b) Somali has lent numbers to Masai, Latuka, Nandi, Turkana, and Suk, but is otherwise distinct, (c) The remaining languages had originally separate numerals only up to 5. The higher numerals are expressed in Nandi and Masai by borrowed words or new formations, in the others by compounds which more or less clearly mean 5 + 1, 5 + 3, &c. It is remarkable that both in Bari and Dink a, as well as Ja-luo and Acholi, though they do not otherwise correspond in details, 7 and 9 are clearly 5 + 3 and 5+4, but 8 is not so plainly 5 + 3. (d) The numerals up to 5 show a fair correspondence. 4 is practically the same in all languages, and so is 3, except in Nandi and Suk, where it is replaced by a word which may possibly mean c pair/ just as juz is commonly used for 3 in Arabic dialects. For 5 there are at least two words : mut and imyet in Nandi and Masai ; kanat and ekan in Bari. Suk uses both. Possibly wdeds in Dinka and abity’ in Ja-luo represent variations of the first root, as may also the Bu in the Bari numerals from 6 to 9. 1 shows
great variety, which may perhaps be paralleled in other families of languages, for instance, Aryan; but it is strange that there should be so little agreement as to 3. Masai and Turkana use uni, Nandi and Suk somok. Jala in Bari stands alone. Dinka, Ja-luo, and Acholi use some word like dek, which perhaps reappears in the Bari for 8, budok (=5 + 3). The general conclusion to be drawn is that all these languages (except of course Somali and Madi), while forming closer sub-groups among themselves, belong to a com¬ mon stock, and that the nearest relation of Masai is Latuka, though they have been separated long enough for each to develop special features.
Mr. Hollis’s book will appeal chiefly to the scientific world, and perhaps is, with the exception of Sir Harry Johnston and Krapf’s works, the most valuable contribution which has yet been made to the anthropology and philology of the British possessions in East Africa. But it will also have, if used as it should be, a very great practical value. Experience gained in many parts of the world has impressed on me the obvious but much neglected truth that if one wishes to be on friendly terms with other races and to avoid misunderstandings, the first essential is to speak their language. There can be no doubt that in East Africa, as elsewhere, natives are delighted
INTRODUCTION
xxviii
to converse with Europeans, and equally little doubt that disastrous and costly misunderstandings have occurred because no one was capable of giving or receiving explanations when trouble was brewing. Hitherto few of our officers have known any language but a little Swahili, and except for very intrepid spirits the absence or inadequacy of textbooks has made the acquisition of all others a practical impossibility. Of late the languages of Kikuyu and Ukamba have been made more accessible, and the same may now be said of Masai, though Nandi, Suk, and Turkana still await an expositor. It is much to be desired, however, that Government should encourage and somewhat liberally reward proficiency in these languages. In practice, the difficulty is to insist on a know¬ ledge of any language but the lingua franca, Swahili, because the others are mostly spoken in comparatively small districts, and it is impossible to restrict an officer’s service to one linguistic area, or to require him to learn Masai when he may any day be removed to a Somali-speaking district. But much might be done by offering better recognition, pecuniary and other, of the services rendered by those who are willing to take the trouble of learning the less known tongues. A few hundreds expended in prizes is good economy. There may still be occasions when ability to carry on a discussion in Nandi may avert a punitive expedition costing tens of thousands of pounds.
I agree with the opinion indicated by Mr. Hollis in the last paragraph of his preface — that the only hope for the Masai is that under intelligent guidance they may gradually settle down and adopt a certain measure of civilization. Any plan of leaving them to themselves with their old military and social organization untouched seems to me fraught with grave danger for the prosperity of the tribe as well as for the public peace. But whatever their future may be, I am sure that the author of this book, which I now commend to the atten¬ tion of officials as well as men of science, has, by putting within the reach of all a knowledge of the language and the customs of the Masai, done much to facilitate a settlement of all questions which may arise between them and our adminis¬ tration.
Nov. 14, 1904.
C. ELIOT.
Plate III
Masai warriors of various * ages ’ and ‘districts,’ each with the shield of his ‘ age 1 and ‘ district.’
Scene on the Uganda Railway. Masai and other passengers.
PART I
EN-GUTUK OCVL-MAASAE MASAI GRAMMAR
ALPHABET AND PRONUNCIATION,
Vowels.
A represents the English a in father.
jE „ „ a in fate;
E „ „ e in benefit.
A „ „ a in dare, but longer and more open,
I jj „ i in hit.
/ „ ,, i in ravine.
0 „ ■„ o in not.
0 „ „ o in mote.
6 „ aw in paw.
U „ „ u in bull.
U „ „ u in flute.
A „ „ u in but, o in tongue.
Ai „ „ i in ice, ai in aisle.
Ae is a diphthong similar % ai, but formed by a union of the vowels a and e.
Au represents the English ow in how.
Oi „ „ oi in oil.
Ei. These two letters are usually pronounced separately, but they are sometimes slurred over and are scarcely distinguishable from ei in eight or ey in they.
Whenever ai or oi are not pronounced as diphthongs, the i is marked by a diaeresis, thus, ai \
Vowels are only doubled when there is a distinct repetition of a single sound. Sometimes, however, sounds which when spoken slowly must be indicated by a double vowel, are contracted into a long single vowel when spoken quickly.
1 Examples of ai, ai, and ae: — ’Ng-ai, the bows; eng-a'i, the god; eng-ae, the other.
HOLLIS
2
MASAI GRAMMAR
Consonants.
B, d, k as in English.
G is hard, as in the English word go.
H is used as an aspirate only in a few interjections.
Gh is a g followed by an Ji as in log-hut, and resembles the gh in Sanskrit. It is not pronounced like the Arabic ghain.
J nearly resembles the English j, though it is sometimes pronounced like dy.
Gh as in church. It, however, is sometimes exchangeable with j or dy : e. g. ol-chani, the tree, may also be pronounced ol-jani or ol-dyani.
Sh, l , m, n as in English.
Ng has two separate sounds, the one hard as in the English word finger, the other as in singer. The latter sound is written ng.
Ny. This sound is similar to ni in the English word minion, or n in Spanish.
P is more explosive than in English.
B is always well pronounced or rolled on the tongue. The Northern Masai sometimes pronounce this sound like a burring r.
S, t, w as in English.
W. In a few words there appears to he a trace of a w which is only partially pronounced even when talking slowly : e. g. wou, come.
Hiv represents the sound of wh in the Scotch why or wherefore.
B, p, y, and w are pronounced in a lazy way by just opening the lips.
Y is a consonant, as in yard.
CHANGES OF LETTERS, AND REMARKS.
The Masai of Nairobi and Naivasha sometimes use a for e. Thus :
Ang-are (for eng-are), the water.
Before i, aa changes to an accentuated single a. Example :
A-isuj-i (for aa-isuj-i), I am washed.
A and o are occasionally interchangeable. One hears, for instance: En-aivasha or en-aiposha, the lake.
Ahgata or ohgota, the plain.
Apa or opa, formerly.
CHANGES OF LETTERS
E and i when spoken rapidly often sound as if they were the same letter. It is in consequence sometimes difficult to distinguish between such words as a-gel, to choose, and a-gil, to break.
E is changed to i when followed by a. Examples:
Ol-figojine, the hyena ; il-figojinia, the hyenas.
A-ure, to fear; a-t-uri-a, I feared.
The Northern Masai frequently change i to e when the i is joined by a consonant to a. Examples :
Aidima or aidema, I was able.
Aidipa or aidepa, I finished.
When i is the first letter of a word it is usually dropped if pre¬ ceded by another word ending in a vowel.
Aisho ’ndae (for aisho indae), I give you.
Aisho T-ayok (for aisho il-ayok), I give the boys.
I is also dropped whenever the sound permits at the beginning of sentences. Thus :
’N-atmin (for in-atlnin), the stories.
’L-omon (for il-omon), the news.
When i is the last letter of a word and is followed by a vowel, y is often inserted to join the two vowels together. Examples :
En-gerai-y-ai (for en-gerai ai), my child.
Numerous changes take place in the spelling of verbs which commence with i. For a complete list vide page 53. It will be sufficient to give here the general rules.
I. The first letter of the verb by another i and followed by i, Examples :
A-iik, to clean (teeth) ;
A-ilep, to climb ;
A-inepu, to meet ;
A-ingor, to look ;
A-inyang-u, to buy ;
A-irag, to sleep ;
A-iseye, to touch ;
A-iush, to lose ;
A-iwo-u, to catch blood in a vessel;
A-iyam, to marry ;
(i) falls out whenever preceded l, n, ng, ny , r, s, u, w, or y ,
i-’ik, thou cleanest (teeth), i-lep, thou climbest. i-’nepu, thou meetest. i-’ngor, thou lookest. i-’nyang-u, thou buyest. i-’rag, thou sleepest. i-’seye, thou touchest. i-'ush, thou losest. i-Vo-u, thou catchest blood in a vessel.
i-’yam, thou marriest.
II. The i is changed to n whenever it is preceded by another i and followed by d , g , h, t, and sh. As will be shown shortly, the letters
B 2
4
MASAI GRAMMAR
k, t, and sh cannot follow n; these letters therefore change at the same time to g, d, and j respectively. Examples :
A-idim, to be able ; A-igany, to fill; A-iken, to count ; A-itobir, to prepare ; A-ishop, to wear ;
i-ndim, thou art able, i-ngany, thou fillest. i-ngen, thou countest, i-ndobir, thou preparest. i-njop, thou wearest.
III. The i is changed to m whenever it is preceded by another i and followed by b, pf y, or w. It will be shown presently that p, y, and w are interchangeable and cannot follow n ; these letters are consequently changed at the same time to b. Examples :
A-ibelekeny, to turn over ; i-mbelekeny, thou turnest over.
A-ipot, or A-ivot, or A-iwot, to i-mbot, thou callest. call ;
I and y are interchangeable when followed by e or o. The Northern Masai generally use the former, the Southern the latter. Examples :
En-gew&rie or en-gew&rye, the night.
Tolikio or tolikyo, tell.
Ye sometimes becomes ie after n. Examples :
A-tonie (for a-tonye), to sit on.
A-imime (for a-immye), to lose.
0 becomes u when joined by a consonant to a. Examples :
A-iko, to do ; a-iku-na, I did.
A-ingor, to look ; a-ingur-a, I looked.
The Northern Masai sometimes pronounce u like o, or like the German o. Examples :
A-idor (for a-idur), to move. A-soj (for a-suj), to follow.
B and k are sometimes interchangeable. Examples :
En-garikobo or en-garibobo, the mongoose.
Kinokop or Kinobop, a district near Naivasha known to Euro¬ peans as Kinangop.
Gh and k are interchangeable. The former sound is more used by the Southern Masai than by the Northern, and the women of Nairobi and Naivasha employ it more frequently than the men.
Both gh and k change to g when following n :
Enna-kerai or enna-gherai, this child ; en-gerai, the child. Ol-kujita or en-gujita, the blade of grass.
A-iko or a-igho, to do ; i-ngo, thou dost ; i-ngoko or i-ngogho, you do.
CHANGES OF LETTERS 5
P, y, and w are interchangeable. The Northern Masai generally use p, the Southern y or w. Examples :
Ol-poror, ol-voror, or ol-woror, the generation, age.
Pokin, vdkin, or wokin, all.
K is occasionally interchangeable with p, y, and w.
For instance, ol-pukuri (or ol-vukuri or ol-wukuri), the (large) gourd, is also sometimes expressed ol-kupuri (pi. il-pukurto or il- kupurto).
Before p, y, and w, n becomes m, and the p, y, or ip changes to 6. Examples :
Ol-pukuri (or ol-vukuri or ol-wukuri), the (large) gourd.
Em-bukuri, the (small) gourd.
I-mbiri, thou fliest, (from a-ipiri, to fly).
When k is the last letter of a verb, the root undergoes various changes in the formation of the past tense. For a complete list vide p. 5 6.
It will be sufficient to state here that the k is dropped unless the letter which precedes it is i or u. Examples :
A-lak, to unfasten ; a-ta-la-a, I unfastened.
A-mok, to become accustomed to ; a-ta-mo-o, I became accustomed to.
But A-rik, to take (a person) ; a-to-rik-o, I took (a person). A-nunuk, to fold ; a-tu-nunuk-o, I folded.
The Northern Masai also frequently omit k both at the end and in the body of a word. Examples :
Il-tungana (for il-tunganak), the men.
Il-nganaiyo (for il-nganaiyok), the fruit.
Kitua (for kituak), big (pb).
A-ikweniye (for a-ikwenikye), to laugh at.
Arai (for araki), or.
Sh can only be used after a vowel or at the commencement of a word. Examples :
A-isho, to give.
Shoo, the grazing ground.
Elle-shani or enna-shani, this tree.
Le-shoruet, na-shoruet, O (the) friend !
After Z, sh becomes ch , and after n, j. Examples :
I-njo, thou givest.
Ol-chani or en-jani, the tree. Ol-choruet or en-joruet, the friend.
6
MASAI GRAMMAR
Ch can only be used after l .
J occasionally changes to t in the formation of past tenses of verbs. Examples :
A-ji-oyo, not to return ; a-ti-oyo, I have not returned.
A-j-oki, to say to ; a-ti-aka, I said to.
The l of the masculine article ( vide p. io) is dropped before words beginning with e, i3 r, s, and y. Examples :
O-engat (for ol-engat), the male wildebeest.
O-iarata (for ol-iarata), the valley.
O-rorei (for ol-rorei), the word.
O-sarge (for ol-sarge), the blood.
O-yoyai (for ol-ydyai), the porcupine.
It has been stated that before r and s the l of the masculine article is assimilated as in Arabic, and that the double consonant is heard. This is, however, not the case. When the syllables are spoken separately, the singular article is clearly pronounced o, not or or os ; and in the plural the article drops out altogether, unless it follows a word ending in a consonant, when an i is used, not ir or is.
Gh3 k, t , and sh change to g , <7, d3 and j respectively after n. Examples :
En-glyo (for en-ghlyo), the daughter.
’N-gTshu (for ’n-klshu), the cattle.
I-ngilikwan-u (for i-nkilikwan-u), ask !
En-dim (for en-tim), the wood.
I-ndash-o (for i-ntash-o), stand !
En-joni (for en-shoni), the piece of hide.
I-njop-o (for i-nshop-o), wear !
The n of the feminine article (vide p. 10) falls out before nouns commencing with one of the following letters : e , i, m , ng, ny , r, s, u, w, and y. Examples :
E-engat (for en-engat), the female wildebeest.
E-ilata (for en-ilata), the oil.
E-moti (for en-moti), the cooking pot.
E-ngoroyoni’ (for en-ngoroyoni), the woman.
E-nyalata (for en-nyalata), the cud.
E-rug (for en-rug), the hump.
E-siangiki (for en-siangiki), the young woman.
E-ululu (for en-ululu), the pit.
E-wargas (for en-wargas), the female Grant’s gazelle.
E-ya (for en-ya), the male.
CHANGES OF LETTERS
7
Before b , n becomes m, and before p, v, or w, n becomes m, and the p , y, or w changes to b :
Em-bae (for en-bae), the arrow.
I-mbelekeny-a (for i-nbelekeny-a), turn over !
Em-bout (for en-pout, or en-vout, or en-wout), the trench.
I-mbot-o (for i-npot-o, or i-nvot-o, or i-nwot-o), call !
Before substantives commencing with £, the n of the feminine article is assimilated, the double consonant being distinctly pronounced. Examples :
El-lusye (for en-lusye), the hole in the wall.
El-longo (for en-longo), the shield.
R must always be preceded by a vowel or another r. Examples :
Ol-orora, the crowd. ’N-gera, the children. ’N-gerra, the sheep.
R is sometimes omitted in the body of a noun to form diminutives, or is changed to l or y. Examples :
E-ngoroyoni, the woman ; e-ngooyoni, the female (used in
a deprecatory sense).
En-gerai, the child; en-gelai, the little child.
Ol-owaru, the beast of prey ; eng-owayu, the small beast of
prey.
U and w, when followed by a vowel, are interchangeable, the former being used by the Northern, the latter by the Southern Masai. Examples :
Atua or atwa, I died or within.
Ol-moruo or ol-morwo, the old man.
Hw is occasionally substituted for u or w, otherwise it is not used. Examples :
E-hweji (for e-weji), the place.
E-hwaso (for e-uaso), the river.
Ol-osohwan (for ol-osowan), the buffalo.
THE ACCENT.
In most words all syllables are accentuated alike, a very slight stress being perhaps laid on the penultimate. This is more particularly noticeable when the last syllable but one contains a long vowel, e. g. ol-ayoni, ’n-jomto.
Should the accent fall on any other syllable but the penultimate, it is specially marked, thus : ol-mdruo, kew&rie.
These words are sometimes, and probably correctly, pronounced ol-morwo, kewarye; but owing possibly to the difficulty of making
MASAI GRAMMAR
w or y follow r, without stopping in the middle of the word, the w and y are generally changed to u and i.
The accent, such as it is, does not fall on the penultimate in the fdllowing cases :
I. When the subject of a verb is the first person plural, the last syllable is always slightly accentuated. Examples :
Ki-suj, we follow (him). Ki-tu-suj-d, we have followed (him).
Ki-suj means either, thou followest me, or he or they follow thee ; and ki-tu-suj-a, thou hast followed me, or he or they have followed thee.
II. Whenever one of two a’s falls out before i in verbs commencing with the latter letter, the remaining a is rather more strongly sounded than the other syllables :
A-isuj-a (for aa-isuj-a), I washed thee, or he or they washed me.
E-flgas d-isuj (for e-ngas aa-isuj), they begin to wash (him).
E-iyolo d-isuj-a (for e-iyolo aa-isuj-a), they know how to wash (him).
Some confusion is at times caused by the subject or object not being expressed when it is a personal pronoun. For instance, the woman said to him, and he said to the woman, are both translated by e-ti-aka e-ngoroyoni. The difference is marked by raising or lowering the voice at the end of the substantive, and the following rule is invariable.
If the subject is the substantive, the voice is raised as in asking a question ; if the subject is the pronoun, the voice is lowered as when finishing a sentence :
Thus : E-ti-aka e-ngoroyom means, the woman said to him.
Whilst, E-ti-aka e-ngoroyonj means, he, she, or they said to the woman.
In the same way the difference between, for instance, I followed thee, and he, she, or they followed me, is marked by raising or lowering the voice at the end of the word, e.g. :
AasuJ, he, she, or they follow me. Aaguj, I follow thee.
Aa-tu-suj_a> he, she, or they fol- Aa-tu-suj-a, I followed thee, lowed me.
A-isuj-a, he, she, or they washed me. A-isuj-a, I washed thee.
The same forms are used for the simple relative, whether it is employed as the subject or the object of the verb. When the
ACCENT
9
relative is the subject, however, the voice is raised at the end of the verb ; when the object, it is lowered.
Ol-tungani o-tu-suj-a, the man who followed him.
Ol-tungani o-tu-suj-a, the man whom he followed.
GENDER AND NUMBER.
The Masai language distinguishes by the article two genders or classes answering approximately to masculine and feminine. As a general rule the former signifies big, strong, and masculine ; whilst the latter may be taken to mean something of a weak or feminine nature, and also of a diminutive or affectionate character. There are, it is true, exceptions to this rule, for whereas ol-origha, a small three- legged stool, il-kiyo, tears, and ol-kimojlno, the finger or toe, are masculine, eng-aina, the arm or hand, en-geju, the leg or foot, e-muny, a rhinoceros, and en-gukuu or en-dyemasi, a devil or fantastic wild beast, which takes the place of the dragon in English fairy tales, are feminine. But on the whole it will be found to be correct, and the following list of examples will help to prove the theory :
Masculine. Feminine.
Ol-tufigani, the man. Ol-ayoni, the boy.
Ol-dia, the dog.
O-sanja, the male lover. Ol-karsis, the rich man. Ol-ashe, the bull calf. Ol-alem, the sword.
U-kujit, the long, coarse grass.
Ol-kerr, the ram.
Ol-aputani, the father or son-in-law.
En-dungani, the little man. Eng-ayoni, the little boy.
En-dia, the bitch or pup.
E-sanja, the female lover. En-garsis, the rich woman. Eng-ashe, the cow calf.
Eng-alem, the knife.
’N-gujit, the short grass or turf.
En-gerr, the ewe.
Eng-aputani, the mother or daughter-in-law .
One word, e-weji, the place, although to all appearances feminine, might perhaps be classed by itself, as the demonstrative pronoun and some other parts of speech assume unusual forms when agreeing with it.
There are two numbers, singular and plural, which are marked by variations in the termination of nouns. In verbs and pronouns there are some indications of reduplication being used to indicate plurality. Nouns are not susceptible to any inflexions to mark the cases, or, with few exceptions, to mark the gender. In the following words the spelling of the nouns is slightly changed to denote some¬ thing of a weak or diminutive nature.
10
MASAI GRAMMAR
Masculine.
01-oiboni, the medicine-man. 01-oirien, the wild olive- tree.
01-owaru, the beast of prey, the snatcher.
01-owara, the man with a piece cut off the ear.
01-alashe, the brother.
01-lee, the man.
01-arus, the black and white bull.
Feminine.
En-aibon, the medicine.
Eng-oiien, the small wild olive- tree.
Eng-owayu, the small beast of prey.
E-wara, the ox with a piece cut off the ear.
E-waya, the child with a piece k cut off the ear.
Eng-anashe l, the sister.
E-ya, the male (used in a depre¬ catory sense).
Eng-ayus, the black and white cow.
There are also a few instances of a diminutive form being made from feminine words. This is done by omitting or altering a con¬
sonant in the body of the noun. E-ngoroyoni, the woman.
En-gerai, the child. Enna-longo, this shield.
Enna-tito, this girl.
E-ngooyoni, the female (used in a deprecatory sense).
En-gelai 2, the small child. Enna-ongo 3, this small or bad shield.
Enna-ito 3, this little girl.
THE ARTICLE.
The masculine article is ol in the singular, il in the plural; the feminine article is en in the singular4, in in the plural. When preceded by a word ending in a vowel, or at the commencement of sentences if followed by a word beginning with a vowel, the i of the plural article is dropped. The i of the plural feminine article is also dropped at the commencement of sentences, when followed by a word beginning with a consonant. It is possibly partly due to this omission
1 In this word the change of l to n to distinguish between the masculine and feminine genders appears to go beyond the article.
2 This form is rarely used except in the vocative case.
3 These words are not employed with the article in the nominative case.
4 There is a tendency amongst Bantu natives when talking Masai to omit the*,e of the singular feminine article, and to say, for instance, ndito for en-dito, ngare for eng-are. This mispronunciation of the word is often imitated by Europeans.
THE ARTICLE
ii
of the vowel in certain cases that the masculine plural form is some¬ times, hut incorrectly, written el, which sound is, however, never used in this sense.
The article is separable from the substantive, and in certain cases is not employed; but whenever it is joined to its noun, the two words are spoken as one, and were it to be omitted, the speaker would not be understood. The various changes of letters given on pages 6 and 7 take effect at the beginning of a word after the con¬ sonant of the article.
Before e, i, r, s, and y, the l of the masculine article is dropped : e.'g. o-engat, the (male) wildebeest ; o-inoti, the foster-son ; o-regie, the (broad) path ; o-soit, the (large) stone ; o-yoyai, the (male) porcupine.
When the masculine article is prefixed to a word beginning with sh, this sound changes to ch : e. g. elle-shokut, this herdsman ; ol-chokut, the herdsman.
The n of the feminine article falls out before nouns commencing with e, i, m, ng, ny , r, s, u, w, and y : e. g. e-engat, the (female) wildebeest ; e-inoti, the foster-daughter ; e-mootyan, the quiver ; e-ngwesi, the wild animal ; e-nyawa, the udder; e-regie, the (narrow) path ; e-soit, the (small) stone ; e-uaso, the river ; e-weji, the place ; e-yoyai, the (female) porcupine.
When the first letter of the substantive is a or 0, the feminine article generally becomes eng : e.g. eng-aji, the hut; eng-ongu, the eye. There are, however, some exceptions, for instance : en-amughe, the sandal ; en-oret, the palate. In one or two cases the g may be added or not as the speaker wishes : e. g. en-atlni of eng-atlni, the story. In a few words the n is dropped: e.g. e-or, the dry plot of land ; e-oret, the sign ; e-arai, the murder.
The feminine article becomes eng before substantives commencing with go : e. g. eng-golon, the power; eng-goro, the anger ; eng-gogongi, the evil.
With substantives commencing with l the n of the feminine article is assimilated, the double consonant being distinctly pronounced : e.g. el-lughunya, the head; el-lejare, the lie.
Before b the n becomes m, and also before p, y, and w, these letters at the same time changing to b : e. g. em-bene, the bag ; em-bata, the bank ; em-bolos, the loin, the middle (enna-polos, or enna-volos, or enna-wolos, this loin) ; em-biding, the nape of the neck (enna- piding, or enna-viding, or enna-widing, this nape of the neck).
12
MASAI GRAMMAR
Substantives commencing with gh, 7c, t, and sTi, change these letters when following the feminine article to g, g, d, and j respectively ; e. g. enna-ghlyo, this damsel ; en-glyo, the damsel ; kitok, big ; emgitok, the big woman, the wife ; enna-tomes, this camel ; en- domes, the camel; enna-shokut, this herdswoman; en-jolmt, the kerdswoman.
Although as a rule a noun is unintelligible without the article, the place of the article can be taken by a demonstrative pronoun ; by the indefinite pronouns likae, & c., other, and poki, each ; by the interrogative pronoun kal, &c., which ? ; and by the numeral obo, &c., one. Examples :
Ledo-tungani, that man. Likae-tungani, another man.
Poki-tungani, each man. Kal-tungani ? which man 1 Obo-tungani, one man.
The other cases in which the article is not used are as follows :
i. When the meaning is motion to or from, or resting at, a kraal or hut (similar to our phrases to or from town, or at home, or the German nach or zu Hause), no possessive case being used. Examples:
A-lo ang, I am going to the kraal (lit. I go kraal).
A-ingu-a ang, I come from the kraal (lit. I leave thither kraal).
A-tii ang, I am in the kraal (lit. I am there kraal).
But
A-lo eng-ang ai, I am going to my kraal.
A-ingu-a eng-ang ai, I come from my kraal.
A-tii eng-ang e-yeyo, I am in mother’s kraal.
2. When the time of day is expressed in such sentences as, ‘ When it became evening/ Ore p’ e-aku teipa (not en-deipa), and ‘Now in the morning he went away/ Ore tadekenya n-e-lo (not en-dadekenya).
3. When the substantive is used in a general or abstract sense.
Examples :
A-dol toki (not en-doki).
Mira shata (not ol-chata) omut en-gima.
Menyanyuk puan 0 kaa (not em-buan o’ en-gaa).
Erisyo laikin o . kaa (not ’l-laikin 0 en-gaa).
Ol-obore ayok (not T-ayok).
I see something.
You are not firewood that the fire burns (Proverb No. 62). Life and death are not alike (Proverb No. 47).
Defeat and death are similar (Proverb No. 14).
He who has many sons (Proverb No. 64).
THE ARTICLE
*3
4. When the substantive is used as an adverb or in an adverbial sense. Examples :
A-tii keper (not en-geper). I am above.
A-lo weji (not e-weji). I am going somewhere.
E-tii atwa (not en-atwa). He is within.
5. In the singular of a few compound words. Examples :
Kutuk-aji, the door (lit. mouth-hut).
Tasat-aina, the man with the withered arm (lit. thin-arm).
In the plural, however, the article is always employed. Example :
’N-gutukie-oo-’ng-ajijik, the doors (lit. the-mouths-of-the-huts).
A few substantives never take the article. Such are j
Ngania, so-and-so, such-a-one.
Angata, the plain.
Kulle (in compound words, alle), milk.
Shoo, the grazing ground.
Kishomi the gate.
Kishwaini 2, the coast (Mombasa).
Kitala, the refuge.
The words father and mother are also used without the article. Papa and yeyo 3 are employed when talking of one's own parents, and menye and ngoto when referring to other people’s.
The article, as has been stated, must in ordinary cases be prefixed to the noun ; and an adjective, when used as an attribute, follows the noun without the article. Thus :
Ol-tungani kitok, the big man.
’N-dokitin kumok, the many things.
It is, however, sometimes permissible to insert the adjective between the article and the substantive, and one may say :
Ol-kitok-tungani, the big man.
'N-gumok-tokitin, the many things.
The article is frequently used in compound words without any sub¬ stantive, and practically takes the place of affixes used in Aryan languages to form derivatives.
1 En-gishomi, i. e. kishomi preceded by the article, means the clan or family.
2 Kishwaini is doubtless a corruption of Kisauni, the Swahili name for Frere Town.
3 Marne is also occasionally used for mother.
MASAI GRAMMAR
Examples :
Ol-le-’ng-aina (the-of-the-hand 1), tlie elephant.
Ol-lo-’l-masi (the-of-the-mane), the lion.
Ol-le-’l-lughunya (the-of-the-head), the brain.
Ol-le-yeyo 1 (the.of_motUer) { the brother.
En-e-yeyo J x ' ( the sister.
En-e-’n-dambu (the-of-the-dappled-grey), the dappled grey’s calf. Ki-ncler ol-le-’modai, pe ki-ndd-ki ol-le-’ngeno (we begin the-of- the-foolishness, and we do again the-of-the-wisdom), we be¬ come wise by experience (Proverb No. 29).
E-nyanyuk ol-o-ipot-oki 0 ol-o-euo openy (they resemble the-who- was-called and the-who-came-alone), there is no difference between the man who was called and he who came alone (Proverb No. 8).
Ol-le-’ngae ? (the-of-who), whose %
Ol-le-imyet (the-of-five), the fifth.
CASES.
Nouns in Masai are not susceptible of any inflexions to mark the cases; but the article has special forms to denote the nominative, vocative, and genitive. The accusative case is the same as the nominative. A local case which also sometimes affects the article is equivalent to the English prepositions at , by, for, from, in, off, on, out , to, and with.
The Vocative.
The vocative case only affects the article. The masculine article becomes, in both the singular and plural, li before substantives com¬ mencing with a and 0, and le before other letters.
Li-oiboni ! 0 (the) medicine-man !
Le-soit ! O (the) stone !
Le-lewa ! O (the) men !
The vocative of the feminine article is na in both numbers.
Na-kerai ! O (the) child 1 Na-kera ! O (the) children !
Na-Ai ! 0 (the) God !
When followed by the possessive pronoun the article rarely takes the vocative form. Example :
Ol-oiboni lai ! O (the) my medicine-man !
It is, however, permissible to say Li-oiboni lai !
It is also possible to use the nominative for the vocative when there 1 Cp. the Sanskrit hasta, a hand ; hastin (1), an elephant.
CASES
i5
is no possessive pronoun, especially if the substantive is not the first word in the sentence :
Aaomon, eng-A'i ! I pray to thee, O God !
In the word tito (ol-tito, the son ; en-dito, the daughter, or the girl), the first t is dropped in the feminine vocative case :
Na-ito ! 0 (the) girl !
In one or two rare instances, when the feminine article is eng , the vocative case is expressed by Jc :
K-ogho ! 0 (the) grandmother ! (eng-oglio, the grandmother).
K-onyek ! O (the) eyes ! (’ng-onyek, the eyes).
The commonest way of addressing an equal is by the use of the word E-iro in the masculine and Na-iro in the feminine. This can best be translated by Friend. ’L-oiye and Na-toiye, or Na-figoroyok, are used in the plural.
A superior is addressed by the words Le-paiyan ! 0 (the elder ) ! Le-moruo ! O (the) old man ! or Papa-i ! Father-thou ! if a man ; and by Na-kitok ! 0 (the) big woman ! or Yeyo ! mother ! if a woman.
The Genitive.
There are three methods of forming the genitive case in Masai.
The first is employed when the governed word is a substantive (not preceded by the article), a pronoun, or other part of speech ; the other two are in connexion with the article.
1. In the first or regular form the word governed follows the governing substantive, being joined to it by the particle le , if the nominative is masculine (li before a and 0), and e, if feminine. This particle does not vary in number. Examples :
Ol-alem le-papa, father s sword.
Eng-aji e-yeyo, mother’s hut.
’L-alema le-papa, fathers swords.
’Ng-ajijik e-yeyo, mothers huts.
Ol-chore le-pokin, the friend of all.
E-rnoti e-kuile, the milk-pot.
’L-omon li-opa, the news of formerly (i. e. of former times).
’L-omon li-akenya, the news of presently (i. e. of the future).
2. The possessive case in conjunction with the article is usually formed in the following manner :
The substantive in the genitive case follows the governing word, the article of the former drops its vowel, and a particle is interposed
1 6
MASAI GRAMMAR
between tbe nominative and genitive. The form of the particle is determined by both nouns, but it is in the same number as the governed noun. When the nominative and genitive are both mas¬ culine, lo is used as the possessive sign in the singular, and loo in the plural ; when the nominative is feminine and the genitive masculine, o is employed in the singular, and oo in the plural ; when both nouns are feminine, the singular possessive particle is e, and the plural oo • and when the nominative is masculine and the genitive feminine, le is the singular form, and loo the plural.
There appears to be some connexion between this form of the genitive and the conjunction and, which is o when followed by a singular substantive, and oo when followed by a plural.
In the following table the similarity between the two forms is shown :
The bone of the boy, 01-o'ito lo-T-ayoni.
The bones of the boy, 'L-oik lo-T-ayoni.
The bone of the boys, Ol-o'ito loo-T-ayok.
The bones of the boys, ’L-oik loo-T-ayok.
The bone and the boy, Ol-oito o ol-ayoni.
The bones and the boy, ’L-oik o ol-ayoni.
The bone and the boys, Ol-oito oo T-ayok.
The bones and the boys, ’L-oik oo T-ayok.
The thing of the boy, En-doki o-’l-ayoni.
The things of the boy* ?N-dokitin o-T-ayonh
The thing of the boys, En-doki oo-’l-ayok.
The things of the boys, ’N-dokitin oo-T-ayok.
The thing of the child, En-doki e-’n-gerai.
The things of the child, ’N-dokitin e-’n-gerai.
The thing of the children, En-doki oo-’n-gera.
The things of the children, ’N-dokitin oo-’n-gera.
The thing and the boy, En-doki o ol-ayoni.
The things and the boy, ’N-dokitin o ol-ayoni. j
The thing and the boys, En-doki oo T-ayok.
The things and the boys, ’N-dokitin oo T-ayok.
The thing and the child, En-doki o en-gerai.
The things and the child, ’N-dokitin o en-gerai.
The thing and the children, En-doki oo ’n-gera.
The things and the children, ’N-dokitin oo ’n-gera.
CASES
i7
The bone of the child, Ol-oito le-’n-gerai.
The hones of the child, ’L-oik le-’n-gerai.
The bone of the children, 01-o'ito loo-’n-gera.
The hones of the children, ’L-oik loo-’n-gera.
The bone and the child, Ol-oito 0 en-gerai.
The hones and the child, ’L-oik o en-gerai.
The hone and the children, Ol-oito 00 ’n-gera.
The bones and the children, ’L-oik 00 ’n-gera.
3. The second way of forming the possessive case in conjunction with the article is to place the governing word after the governed, the article of the former being at the same time twice expressed, once before the genitive particle, and once connected with its substantive. This form is mostly used when it is wished to put special stress on the genitive. If no ambiguity is likely to occur, the governing word may be omitted, the first article, however, being retained.
The following example is taken from the story of the ostrich chicks :
N-e-ure-yu ’1-aigwenak pokin e-jo ’n-e-’sidai ’n-gera^ n-e-jo ’n-o-l- ngatuny. And the counsellors all fear to say the-of-the-ostrich the children, and they say the-of-the-lion.
The Local Case.
There are two ways of forming the local case, which is used where a preposition is required in English.
The first is employed with substantives not joined to the article, and with pronouns and other parts of speech ; the second is used in connexion with the article.
1. The regular method of forming the local case is by prefixing the particle te ( ti before words commencing with a or 0) to the governed word. This particle is invariable :
E-ita-u-o te-kulle, he took it out of the milk.
E-ton ti-aulo\ (he is sitting down in outside-the-kraal) (he is sitting or L j down out-
E-ton te-boo ) (he is sitting down in outside-the-hut) 1 side. E-to-ning-o ti-atwa a-jo e-tu-puk-u-o eng-golon te-ninye, he felt in himself that his strength ‘departed from him.
E-ti-aka obo te-lello a-jo, one of {or from) these (men) told him that.
2. The particle indicating the local case used in conjunction with the article is formed like the genitive masculine particle, the only difference being that t is employed for l.
In other words, 0 is added to t when the word governed is masculine singular, e when feminine singular, and 00 when masculine or feminine plural.
HOLLIS
c
i8
MASAI GRAMMAR
Examples :
E-ton to-T-ayoni, he sits by the boy.
Te-’m-bolos e-’n-gew&rie, in the middle of the night.
E-ta-do-iye too-'soito, he fell on the stones.
E-pwomi too-’ng-dloli pokin, they come from all sides.
SUBSTANTIVES.
Many substantives are derived from verbal roots. The most usual method of forming nouns from verbs is by prefixing oi, a , or k to the root, if the latter commences with any letter except i, and by prefixing a or k if it begins with i. Various letters or syllables are also generally added, ni being frequently affixed when the sense is active, t or ti when passive. Examples :
Ol-oiboni, the medicine-man, derived from -bon, to make medicine.
Ol-areshoni, the trapper, derived from -resh, to trap.
Ol-kuret, the coward, derived from -ure, to fear.
Ol-aidetidetani, the dreamer or prophet, derived from -idetidet, to dream.
En-gias, the work, derived from -ias, to do.
En-girukoto, the reply, derived from -iruk, to reply.
Substantives are also sometimes formed by simply affixing letters to the verbal root. Examples :
Em-barnore, the shaving, derived from
Ol-barnotq the young warrior, i. e. the shaved one 1, - -barn, to Em-barnat, the stone house, shave.
El-lejare, the lie, derived from -lej, to deceive.
E-sidanishu, beauty, derived from -sidanu, to be beautiful. En-jingata, the entrance, derived from -jing, to enter.
The Plukal oe Substantives.
Perhaps the most complicated part of the Masai language is the formation of the plural of substantives.
For convenience sake substantives are divided into six classes in this grammar. The two largest groups are those substantives which form the plural by affixing i or n to the singular. The general rule is that i is added to singulars terminating in a consonant, and n to those terminating in a vowel. The third class consists of words which add k to the singular, or change the last two or three letters into k, ak, ek, &c. In the fourth and fifth classes the singular appears to be formed from the plural by affixing i or ni, and a or o. In the sixth class there is no change.
1 The shaver or barber is Ol-abarnoni.
SUBSTANTIVES
J9
The plural of papa and menye, father, and of yeyo and ngoto, mother, are formed by prefixing loo and noo to the singular.
Loopapa lainei, my fathers. Nooyeyo ainei, my mothers. Loomenye, the fathers. Noongoto, the mothers.
Class I.
Examples of substantives which end in a consonant and form their plural by affixing i to the singular :
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
E-mulug |
I-mulugi 1 |
The hollowed out place. |
|
Ol-kuruk |
Il-kuruki |
The crow. |
|
En-gijipuruk |
In-gijipuruki |
The reed-buck. |
|
En-diol' |
In - dioli |
The gun. |
|
E-sipil |
I-sipili |
The blade, barb. |
|
En-'dim |
In -‘dimi |
The wood. |
|
Ol-kurum |
Il-kurumi |
The lower part of the back. |
|
Ol-osowan |
U-osowani |
The buffalo. |
|
Eng-golon |
Ing-goloni |
The power, authority. |
|
Eng-olong |
Ing-olongi |
The day, sun. |
|
En-gidong |
In-gidongi |
The quiver, honey-box, medi¬ cine-man’s horn. |
|
En-dasing |
In-dasingi |
The sneeze. |
|
E-muny |
I-munyi |
The rhinoceros. |
|
Ol-oip |
Il-oipi |
The shade, shadow, picture, |
|
or photograph. |
||
|
En-dap |
In-dapi |
The palm of the hand. |
|
Ol-poi’or |
Il-porori |
The generation, age. |
|
Ol-korikor |
Il-korikori |
The hartebeest. |
|
Em-bolos |
Im-bolosi |
The loin, the middle. |
|
Ol-perangash |
U-perangashi |
The upper arm. |
|
En:dabash |
In-dabashi |
The bedstead (lit. the breadth). |
|
E-makat |
I-makati |
The salt. |
Exceptions — Class I.
A.
Some substantives ending in a consonant, and especially those which have s as the final letter, form their plural by adding in to the singular.
1 The plural article has been purposely given in its full form, though in many places the vowel would fall out in conversation ; thus, the hollows would be pronounced Mulugi, not I-mulugi, unless the word preceding it f terminated in a consonant.
MASAI GRAMMAR
20
|
Examples : |
||
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
01-wargas |
Il-wargasin |
The Grant’s gazelle. |
|
01-kaldes |
Il-kaldesin |
The ape. |
|
En-domes |
Il-domesin |
The camel. |
|
En-gias |
In-giasin |
The work. |
|
01-kinos 01-kinyang |
Il-kinosin ) Il-kinyangin J |
The crocodile. |
|
E-semingor |
I-semingorin |
The serval cat. |
|
En-derash |
In-derashin |
The jackal. |
|
O-engat |
I-engatin |
The wildebeest. |
|
E-ruat |
I-ruatin |
The bed. |
|
01-kirisiet |
Il-kirisietin |
The hammer. |
B.
Many substantives which end in t form their plural by adding a to the singular. In the following lists examples are given of substantives which form their plurals regularly by adding i and irregularly by adding a.
Substantives forming their plural by adding i :
|
Eng-anyit |
Ing-anyiti |
The honour, punishment. |
|
Em-barnat |
Im-barnati |
The stone house. |
|
Em-bout 1 |
Im-bouti |
The trench. |
|
01-chokut |
Il-chokuti |
The herdsman. |
|
En-gianget |
In-giangeti |
The breath. |
|
En-gininyeret In-gininyereti |
The drop of perspiration. |
|
|
En-gloget |
In-glogeti |
The hiccough. |
|
En-giroget |
In-girogeti |
The cough. |
|
01-kerenget |
Il-kerengeti |
The fort, trap. |
|
01-kokwet |
Il-kokweti |
The furnace. |
|
01-kulet |
Il-kuleti |
The bladder. |
|
01-kuret |
Il-kureti |
The coward. |
|
E-makat |
I-makati |
The salt. |
|
O-sumbat |
I-sumhati |
The invalid. |
|
01-tasat |
Il-tasati |
The old (thin) man. |
|
Substantives |
forming their plural by |
adding a : |
|
En-aret |
In-areta |
The weapon. |
|
01-choruet 2 |
Il-chorueta |
The friend. |
|
01-kitepet |
Il-kitepeta |
The top edge of the ear. |
|
01-kigh'aret |
Il-kighareta |
The thorn. |
|
01-lafiget |
Il-langeta |
The bridge. |
|
01-lepet |
Il-lepeta |
The armlet. |
|
E-nyirt |
I-nyi’rta |
The gum in front of the mouth. |
|
01-oreshet |
Il-oresheta |
The calf of the leg. |
* This word is now used to mean boat.
2 Also 01-chore, il-choreta.
SUBSTANTIVES
21
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
E-oret |
I-oreta |
The sign. |
|
E - repilet |
I-repileta |
The axe. |
|
O-reiet |
I-reieta |
The river. |
|
E-remet |
I-remeta |
The spear. |
|
E-seret |
I-sereta |
The chalk painted on the |
|
E-sisinet |
I-sisineta |
body. The bundle of grass, mat¬ |
|
Ol-tulet |
Il-tuleta |
tress. The bottle-shaped gourd. |
|
A few substantives which end in t also form their plural by adding |
||
|
o to the singular, and in one instance it is changed to o : |
||
|
En-derit |
In-derito |
The dust. |
|
E-murt |
I-murto |
The neck. |
|
O-soit |
I-soito |
The stone. |
|
En-dolit |
In-dolo |
The marrow. |
|
C. Some substantives other than those ending in t form their plural by |
||
|
adding a or o. Ol-alem |
Examples : Il-alema |
The sword. |
|
En-gerr |
In-gerra |
The sheep. |
|
E-rug |
I-ruga |
The hump. |
|
Ol-ngejep |
Il-ngejepa |
The tongue. |
|
Ol-bitir |
Il-bitiro |
The pig. |
|
Ol-kekun |
Il-kekuno |
The bank of a river. |
|
E-ngony |
I-ngonyo |
The artery. |
|
Ol-ngatuny |
Il-ngatunyo |
The lion |
|
Ol-gos |
Il-goso |
The throat. |
|
Class II. Examples of substantives which terminate in a vowel and form |
||
|
their plural by adding n to the singular ; |
||
|
O-singa |
I-singan |
The slave. |
|
En-gurma |
In-gurman |
The plantation, flour. |
|
E-munge |
I-mungen |
The anklet. |
|
Ol-orere |
Il-oreren |
The people, tribe. |
|
Ol-ari |
Il-arin |
The year. |
|
E-siangiki |
I-siangikin |
The young woman. |
|
Ol-toilo |
U-toilon |
The voice. |
|
Ol-osho |
U-oshon |
The country, tribe. |
|
Ol-arau |
Il-araun |
The broom. |
|
Ohkumbau |
U-kumbaun |
The tobacco. |
A number of animals and a few birds also belong to this class and
22
MASAI GRAMMAR
form their plural in the regular manner. The following list gives
|
some instances : |
||
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
Em-Mrie |
Im-Mrien |
The wild cat. |
|
Em-barta |
Im-bartan |
The horse. |
|
Ol-bua |
Il-buan |
The oribi. |
|
En-dua |
In-duan |
The frog 1. |
|
En-gitojo |
In-gitojon |
The hare. |
|
En-gomani |
In-gomanin |
The Kirk’s gazelle. |
|
En-gurlee |
In-gurleen |
The partridge. |
|
Ol-kipulege |
Il-kipulegen |
The water-buck. |
|
01-ko‘ndi |
Il-kdndin |
The hartebeest. |
|
Ol-koroi |
Il-koroin |
The Colobus monkey. |
|
Ol-maalo |
Il-maalon |
The greater kudu. |
|
Ol-makau |
Il-makaun 2 |
The hippopotamus. |
|
E-nyau |
I-nyaun |
The cat. |
|
Ol-oilii |
Il-oiliin |
The Thomson’s gazelle. |
|
E-rongo |
I-rongon |
The reed-buck. |
|
O-yoyai |
I-yoyain |
The porcupine. |
Exceptions — Class II.
A.
Some substantives which terminate in a vowel (other than i) form their plural by adding i to the singular, or more frequently still ni, whilst a few add in.
Examples of substantives which terminate in a vowel and add i :
|
O-sirua |
I-siruai |
The eland antelope. |
|
E -regie |
I-regiei |
The path. |
|
Ol-aro |
Il-aroi |
The ox with the crumpled horn, buffalo. |
|
En-joro |
In-joroi |
The spring. |
|
El-longo |
Il-longoi |
The shield. |
|
Eng-ogho |
Ing-oghoi |
The grandmother, old woman . |
|
Ol-oro |
Il-oroi |
The he-goat. |
|
O-sero |
I-seroi |
The forest. |
|
Examples of substantives which terminate in a vowel and add ni to the singular: |
||
|
En - aiposha |
In - aiposhani |
The lake. |
|
Ol-gilisho |
Il-gilishoni |
The armlet. |
|
Ol-kelesure |
Il-kelesureni |
The guinea fowl. |
|
Ol-kila |
Il-kilani |
The garment, cloth. |
|
Ol-kimasaja |
Il-kimasajani |
The hornbill. |
|
Ol-mesera |
Il-meserani |
The baobab. |
|
Ol-oirirua |
Il-oiriruani |
The spirit, mad-person. |
|
1 En-dua also means the pregnant woman. |
2 Also il-makain. |
SUBSTANTIVES
23
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
|
Ol-orora |
Il-ororani |
The crowd. |
|
|
O-sararua |
I-sararuani |
The navel. |
|
|
E-ululu |
I-ululuni |
The pit. |
|
|
A few words |
introduced from Bantu languages form their plural in |
||
|
the same way : |
|||
|
En-giondo |
In-giondoni |
The basket. |
|
|
El-lukungu |
Il-lukunguni |
The fowl. |
|
|
E-mugonda |
I-mugondani |
The flour. |
|
|
Ol-musalala |
Il-musalalani |
The banana plant. |
|
|
Examples of |
substantives which terminate in a vowel and add in |
||
|
to the singular : |
|||
|
Ol-dia |
Il-diain |
The dog. |
|
|
E-mwa |
I-mwain |
The sort, kind. |
|
|
Ol-limwa |
Il-limwain |
The whirlwind. |
|
|
A few substantives |
JD. which have i as the final letter form the plural |
||
|
by changing i into n, |
and in one instance i is changed into w'i |
||
|
E-sunii |
I-sunin |
The madoqua. |
|
|
E-sidai |
I-sidan |
The ostrich. |
|
|
O-soyai |
I-soyan |
The brass or copper wire. |
|
|
Ol-tarakwai |
Il-tarakwan |
The juniper tree. |
|
|
E-musetai |
I-musetani |
The bead. |
|
|
Some substantives |
Kj. terminating in a vowel, and particularly those |
||
|
ending in i, form their plural by adding 0 or to to the singular, or by |
|||
|
changing the last letter into 0, &c. |
Examples : |
||
|
Ol-moti |
Il-motio |
The tobacco pipe. |
|
|
E-moti |
I-motTo |
The cooking pot. |
|
|
Ol-kunoni |
U-kunono |
The smith. |
|
|
Ol-choni |
Il-chonTto 1 |
The ox hide. |
|
|
En-joni |
In-jonTto |
The piece of hide. |
|
|
Ol-pukuri |
Il-pukurto |
The gourd. |
|
|
01 - kipiei |
11 - kipio |
The lung. |
|
|
01-ashe |
U-ash’o |
The calf. |
|
|
Eng-oje |
Ing-ojio |
The animal which has just |
|
|
given birth. |
|||
|
En-dolu |
In-doluo |
The axe. |
D.
Substantives with the terminal letter e not infrequently form their plural by adding a preceded by a consonant or by changing the e to a or a joined to another letter.
1 Or more commonly il-onltOo
24
MASAI GRAMMAR
|
Examples : Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
Ol-alashe |
Il-alashera |
The brother. |
|
Eng-anashe |
Ing-anashera |
The sister1. |
|
E-ngape |
I-ngapeta |
The post. |
|
O-sarge |
I-sargeta |
The blood. |
|
Ol-bae |
Il-baa |
The matter, action. |
|
Em-bae |
Im-baa |
The arrow. |
|
En-amughe |
In-amugha |
The sandal. |
|
Ol-figojine |
Il-ngojinia |
The hyena. |
|
Ol-bene |
Il-benla |
The bag. |
|
En-gane |
In-ganda |
The cord (made of skin). |
|
Ol-lee |
Il-lewa |
The male. |
|
To this list |
may be added some verbal nouns terminating in are 2. |
Examples :
El-lejare Il-lej4ria The lie.
El-lidare Il-liddria The knotting together, the
harvest.
A few substantives ending in other vowels form their plural in the same way. Examples :
Ol-oikulu Il-oikulia The breast of a dead ox, the
happiness.
En-dauwo In-dauwa The heifer.
Ol-asurai Il-asuria The snake.
Ol-marei Il-mareita The family.
A few nouns belonging to the first two classes form their plural by adding ite 3 to the singular. Examples :
Eng-ang
Eng-omom
Em-boo
En-gima
Ol-mongo
E-nyawa
Ing-angite
Ing-omomite
Im-booite
In-gimaite
Il-mongoite
I-nyawaite
The kraal.
The face.
The herd.
The fire.
The scrap, broken piece. The udder.
Others which terminate in n form their plural by adding ito. Examples :
Ol-oirien Il-oirienito The wild olive-tree, the log
of wood, the heart of a tree.
Ol-tiren Il-tirenito The place outside the fire.
Ol-piron 4 Il-pironito The hard stick used for
producing fire.
1 My sister is Eng-anaishi ai ; my sisters, Ing-anashera ainei.
2 Most verbal nouns terminating in are form their plural regularly by adding n , e.g. En-gurare ; pi. In-guraren, the grave.
3 This sound is sometimes pronounced itye, e. g. Ing-aiigitye.
4 Not to be confounded with ol-piro (pi. il-piron), the hyphaene palm.
SUBSTANTIVES 25
A certain number of substantives form their plural by adding shi,
ishi, sin, and shin to the singular. Examples :
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
Ol-oitigo |
U-oitigoshi |
The zebra. |
|
Ol-amuye |
Il-amuyeishi |
The male donkey. |
|
E-morlo |
I-morloishi |
The sinew. |
|
E-mwinyua |
I-mwinyuaishi |
The liver. |
|
Ol-oikuma |
Il-oikumaishi |
The tortoise |
|
Ol-origha |
U-orighaishi |
The stool. |
|
E-mala |
I-malasin |
The gourd. |
|
Ol-kiu |
Il-kiushin |
The ant-hill. |
|
Ol-turle |
Il-turleshin |
The green parrot. ( Pceoce - jphalus massaicus, Fisch. and Beichen.) |
|
Some substantives form their plural singular. Examples : |
by adding tin or itin to the |
|
|
Eng-ai |
Ing-aitin |
The god, rain, sky. |
|
En-doki |
In-dokitin |
The thing. |
|
En-gew&rie |
In-gewarietin |
The night. |
|
E-weji |
I-wejitin |
The place. |
|
Ol-ameyu |
Il-ameyuitin |
The famine, hunger. |
|
Ol-apa |
Il-apa'itin |
The moon, the month1. |
|
En-gaa |
In-gaaitin |
The disease, death. |
|
En-gata |
In-gataitin |
The time. |
|
En-gigwena |
In-gigwenaitin |
The consultation. |
|
En-gijape |
In-gijapeitin |
The cold, wind. |
|
En-glyo* |
In-glyo’itin |
The little girl. |
|
O-sina |
I-sinaitin |
The trouble. |
|
O-singolio |
I-singolioitin |
The dance, song. |
|
Several substantives make their plural in two different ways, both |
forms having O-sagam I-sagami or I-sagamin
Eng-oriong Ing-oriongi or Ing-oriongite
En-gulale In-gulalen or In-gulaletin
En-jore In-jorin or In-joreitin
Ol-goo Il-goon 2 or U-goite
E-segarua I-segaruani or I-segaruaitin
En-dokoya In-dokoyani or In-dokoyaitin
Em-buruo Im-buruoshi or Im-buruoitin
Ol-tome Il-tomen or Il-tomia
En-gishomi In-gishomin or In-jomlto
En-gume In-gumeshi or In-gumeshin
E-muro I-muroshi or I-muroshin
apparently precisely the same meaning. Examples :
The bridge.
The back.
The wooden ear-ring. The raid, war.
The breast.
The lobe of the ear. The head.
The smoke.
The elephant.
The clan.
The nose, nostril.
The hind-leg.
1 The Mushroom is ol-apa (pi. il-apai).
2 This word is perhaps the origin of Mount Elgon, which is called by the Masai ol-doinyo loo-’l-goon, the mountain of breasts.
l6
MASAI GRAMMAR
Class III.
This group consists of substantives which form their plural in k. In some instances k is simply added to the singular, in others it is preceded by a vowel, and in others again the last two or three letters of the singular are changed into ak , ek, or k. This class includes words indicating (a) states or callings, (b) parts of the body. A few other words also form their plural in the same manner. Examples of the first division :
|
Singular. Ol-tungani Ol-moruo |
Plural. Il-tunganak Il-moruak |
|
E-ngoroyoni Ol-akwi |
I- ngoroyok II- akwiak |
|
En-gitok Ol-aputani 01 - aitoriani |
En-gituak Il-aputak 11 - aitoriak |
|
01-aigwenani 01-oiboni |
Il-aigwenak R-oibonok |
|
01-aomononi |
Il-aomonok |
|
01-apuroni 01-ai’gwetani 01-abarnoni |
Il-apurok Il-aigwetak Il-abarnok |
|
01-aisinani |
Il-aisinak |
|
Ol-asakutoni |
Il-asakutok |
|
01-asirani |
Il-asirak |
|
01-airitani |
Il-airitak |
|
01-areshoni |
Il-areshok |
|
E-modooni |
I-modook |
|
01-agilani Ol-aidetidetani |
Il-agilak Il-aidetidetak |
|
Eng-apyani En-doinono |
Ing-apyak In-doinonok |
|
Examples of the second division : |
|
|
Ol-kimojino Eng-aina En-geju (01-keju 01-o'ito |
Il-kimojik Ing-aik In-gejek Il-kejek Il-oik |
|
E-mouo |
I-mowarak |
|
Eng-ongu |
Ing-onyek |
English.
The man.
The old man, the husband. The woman, wife.
The grandfather or grandson. The wife.
The father or son-in-law. The chief.
The counsellor, spokesman. The medicine-man.
The beggar.
The thief.
The carpenter.
The barber.
The poor man.
The wizard.
The decorator, writer.
The herdsman.
The trapper.
The blind person.
The destroyer, breaker.
The dreamer, prophet.
The widow.
The offspring.
The finger, toe 1.
The arm, hand.
The leg, foot.
The river.)
The bone.
The horn.
The eye.
1 The thumb is called Ol-kimojino kitok, ol-kimojino sapuk, or ol-moruo kitok (the big, or fat, finger ; or the big old-man) ; the first finger, Ol-asakutoni or Sagutishoi (the wizard) ; the middle finger, Ol-kereti (the ring of goat’s skin which is worn on this finger); the third finger, Ngoto-Kineniya (Kineniya’s mother) ; the little finger, Ol-kimojino oti (the small finger), Kineniya or En-gilinda (proper names).
SUBSTANTIVES
27
Singular. Plural.
01-oisoto Il-oisotok
Ol-oidoloki Il-oidolok
El-lenywa Il-lenyok
Examples of other Ol-oingoni Eng-aji .
Em-beneiyo Ol-nganaiyoi Ol-dwaru E-modioi Eng-are Ol-mwoilaa
English.
The nail, claw.
The elbow.
The long hairs of the tail of a wildebeest or zebra, &c. ; the fan made of these hairs. The hull, the strong man. The family, hut.
The leaf.
The fruit.
The beast of prey.
The cow’s dung.
The water.
The beetle.
words :
Il-oingok
Ing-ajijik
Im-benek
Il-nganaiyok
U-owarak
I- modiok Ing-ariak
II- mwoilak
Class IV.
According to another rule which applies fairly regularly to a large class of substantives, the singular appears to be formed from the plural by adding i or ni \ Comprised in this group are the names of tribes, a few communities of people, most insects, some birds and small animals, and a number of words which were probably first known in their collective form. Examples of names of tribes :
|
Plural. |
Singular. |
English. |
|
Il-Ashumba |
Ol-Ashumbai |
The Swahili. |
|
Il-Tengwal |
Ol-Tengwali |
The Nandi. |
|
Il-Keyu |
Ol-Keyuni |
The Elgeyo. |
|
U-Uasin-glshu |
Ol-Uasin-gishui |
The Gwas Ngishu Masai. |
|
Il-Kume Il-Turkana |
Ol-Kumei ) Ol-Turkanai j |
The Turkana. |
|
Il-Kamasya |
Ol-Kamasyai |
The Kamasia. |
|
Il-Kakesan |
Ol-Kakesani } |
The Lumbwa 2. |
|
Il-Lumbwa |
Ol-Lumbwani j |
|
|
Il-Oikop |
Ol-Oikopani ) |
The Lumbwa Masai 3. |
|
Il-Lumb’wa |
Ol-Lumbwani J |
|
|
1 This construction |
is by no means peculiar to the Masai. In Persian, : |
instance, i is added to a word to mean one individual, e.g. zan, woman, zani, one particular woman ; bacha, a child, bachai, one particular child ; bar, time, bari, one time, once.
2 A tribe living near the Lake Victoria, whose real name is Kip-sikisi.
3 The Lumbwa Masai, who call themselves ’l-Oikop, and who are often referred to by the Masai proper as ’1-Oogol-ala (the hard teeth), live in German East Africa extending as far south as Mpapua. Their language is almost identical with that of the Masai in British territory, the chief difference being the pronunciation of one or two letters, k being spoken like gh, p being pro¬ nounced y or w, and the vowels being softened. There is also a tribe of people called ’l-Oikop (Leukop or Lukob) living at the south end of Lake Rudolf who apparently speak Masai. They were met by Teleki and Hohnel ( The Discovery of Lakes Rudolf and Stephanie) and by Wellby (’ Twixt Sirdar and Menelik ).
28
MASAI GRAMMAR
|
Plural. |
Singular. |
English. |
|
11 - Kapirondo |
01 - Kapirondoi |
The Kavirondo. |
|
Il-Kokoyo |
Ol-Kokoyoi |
The Kikuyu. |
|
Il-Tupeita |
Ol-Tupeitai |
The Taveta. |
|
Il-Mo'siro |
01-Mo"siroi |
The Chaga1. |
|
I-Suk |
O-Suki |
The Suk. |
|
Il-Torobo |
Ol-Toroboni |
The Dorobo 2. |
|
Examples of names |
of communities of people : |
|
|
In-gera |
En-gerai |
The child. |
|
I-sipolio |
O-sipolioi |
The recluse, i. e. a boy who |
|
has recently been circum¬ cised. |
||
|
Il-barnot |
01-barnoti |
The shaved one, i. e. the warrior who has not yet grown pig-tails. |
|
Il-muran |
01-murani |
The warrior. |
|
Il-meek |
01-meeki |
The native, the savage, ap¬ plied to all Bantu tribes. |
|
Il-omon |
01-omoni |
The stranger. |
|
I-snnguro |
O-sunguroi |
The hypocrite. |
|
Il-tamweiya |
01-tamweiyai |
The sick. |
|
11-Aimer |
Ol-Aimeri |
The Aimer age s. |
|
Il-Aiser |
Ol-Aiseri |
The Aiser clan (of Masai) 4. |
|
Examples of names |
of insects, small animals, and birds : |
|
|
Ing-alao 5 |
Eng-alaoni |
The very small ant. |
|
In-darget |
En-dargeti |
The grasshopper. |
|
In-daritik |
En-daritiki |
The small bird. |
|
In-diamorgus |
En-diamorgusi |
The marabou stork. |
|
In-dero |
En-deroni |
The rat. |
|
Il-kuru |
01-kurui |
The maggot, worm. |
|
Il-lashe |
El-lashei |
The louse. |
|
Il-masher |
01-masheri |
The tick. |
|
Il-otorok |
01-otoroki |
The bee. |
|
Il-maat |
01-maati |
The locust. |
|
Il-oiriir |
01-oiriiri |
The lizard. |
|
Il-oisusu |
01-oisusui |
The flea. |
1 Each tribe of the Chaga people (the inhabitants of Kilima Njaro) has a special name ; thus, Il-Kilema (sing. 01-Kilemai), the Kilema.
2 Some writers prefer Andorobo and even Wandorobo. The D has been
retained at the commencement of the word, as Torobo would not be easily recognized. En-doroboni (pi. ’N-dorobo) is the Masai for the tsetse fly. These words have probably no connexion with dorop, short, as has been occasionally stated. 3 Vide p. 261. 4 Vide p. 260.
5 Also rarely Ing-alaok. It is perhaps of interest to note that en-dirango, the large reddish-brown ant, called siafu by the coast people, which bites fiercely, is not included in this group, and forms its plural by adding ni to the singular.
SUBSTANTIVES
29
|
Plural. |
Singular. |
English. |
|
Il-ojonga |
Ol-ojongani |
The fly. |
|
Ing-ojonga |
Eng-ojofigani |
The mosquito. |
|
I-samburumbur |
O-samburumburi |
The butterfly. |
|
I-sarambalan |
E-sarambalani |
The bat, swallow, swift. |
|
Kamples of other words which belong to |
this class : |
|
|
Il-airakuj |
Ol-airakuji |
The kidney. |
|
U-ala |
Ol-alai |
The tooth, tusk. |
|
Ing-atambo |
Eng-atamboi |
The cloud. |
|
Il-til |
Ol-tili |
The spark, stain. |
|
In-garara |
En-gararai |
The quill. |
|
In-giporo |
En-giporoi |
The scar. |
|
In-guruon |
En-guruoni |
The ash. |
|
U-keko |
Ol-kekoi |
The thorn, thorny place. |
|
Il-kidongo |
Ol-kidongoi |
The tail. |
|
Il-kilileng |
Ol-kililengi |
The sheep’s dung. |
|
Il-kiyo |
Ol-kiyoi |
The tear. |
|
Il-mao |
Ol-maoi 1 |
The twins. |
|
Il-menenga |
Ol-menengani |
The corpse, spirit. |
|
I-mosor |
E-mosori |
The egg 2. |
|
I-ngok |
E-ngoki |
The sin 3. |
|
Il-dkidongo |
Ol-okidongoi |
The mud. |
|
Il-paek |
Ol-paeki |
The grain or cob of maize. |
|
Il-pisya |
Ol-pisyai |
The chain. |
|
I-seghera |
O-segherai |
The cowry. |
|
I-seghenge |
E-seghengei |
The iron wire. |
|
I-suut |
E-snnti |
The dust. |
|
I-senya |
O-senyai |
The sand. |
|
Il-tian |
Ol-tiani |
The bamboo. |
|
Il-tuduta |
Ol-tudutai |
The boil, abscess. |
Exceptions.
There are only a few exceptions to this rule. They are as follows :
Il-Maasae Ol-Maasani The Masai4.
Il-Aisungun Ol-Aisungui \ Th E «
Il-Musungu Ol-Musungui J ^
1 Ol-maoi means a child who has a twin brother or sister.
2 A large egg-shaped cask used for beer, &c., is Ol-mosori, pi. Xl-mosorin.
3 An unlucky child, or a dwarf, is E-ngoki, pi. I-ngokin.
4 The original name of the Masai is said to have been Il-Maa (sing. Ol-Mai), and one even now occasionally hears old people using this word, especially when relating stories of former times. According to tradition the present form dates from the introduction by the Swahili traders of a certain kind of bead called ’Sae or ’Saen (sing. O-Saeni).
5 Europeans, or white people, were formerly called ’L-ojuju, the hairy ones. This appellation was afterwards changed to ’L-Ailungun, a corruption of the Swahili word Mzungu, which in its turn gave way to the present forms.
3°
MASAI GRAMMAR
Plural.
Il-Chumari
I-Sigiriaishi
I- suyan
II- munyo
Singular. Ol-Chumari ) O-Sigiriaishi J O-suyai Ol-munyei
English. The Somali.
The wild dog. The beard.
Class Y.
In this class, like the preceding one, the singular of substantives appears to be formed from the plural. This is done by the affix a or o.
A large number of words belonging to this class are formed by simply adding at or ot in the plural and ata or oto in the singular to the roots of verbs not commencing with i. With verbs commencing with i the same affixes are made, and h is also prefixed. Other substantives which form the singular by affixing a or o to the plural were probably first known in their collective state.
Examples of substantives made from the roots of verbs not com¬ mencing with i :
|
Plural. |
Singular. |
Verbal root. |
English. |
|
In-duat |
En-duata |
-dol, -dua |
The witness. |
|
In-jingat |
En-jingata |
The entrance. |
|
|
Il-langat |
El-langata |
-lang |
The ford. |
|
Il-limot |
El-limoto |
-lim |
The news. |
|
Il-lutot |
El-lutoto |
-lut |
The place to creep through. The warrior’s kraal. |
|
I-manyat |
E-manyata |
-many |
|
|
I-nyalat |
E-nyalata |
-nyal |
The mouthful of food, the cud. |
|
I-rishat |
E-rishata |
-rish |
The boundary. |
|
I-roruat |
E-roruata |
-roru |
The foot-print. |
|
I-sirat |
E-sirata ) |
-sir |
f The markings, stripes. |
|
I-sirat |
O-sirata J |
( The letter, bill. |
|
|
In-demat |
En-demata |
-tern |
The measure. |
|
In-donat |
En-donata |
-ton |
The seat, root. |
|
Il-turot |
01-turoto ) |
-tur -j |
\ The pond, puddle. |
|
In-durot |
En-duroto J |
[ The chalk. |
|
|
In-nangat |
En-nangata |
-nang |
The place struck by a club |
thrown from a distance, the bruise.
Examples of substantives made from the roots of verbs which commence with i :
In-gidimat
In-gikurukurot
In-gingasyat
In-giragat
En-gidimata -idim
En-gikurukuroto 1 -ikurukur En-gingasyata -ingasya
En-giragata -irag
The being able. The thunder.
The astonishment. The sleeping place, the hospitality.
1 Also en-gikurukur.
SUBSTANTIVES
31
|
Plural. |
Singular. |
Verbal root. |
English. |
|
In-girukot |
En-girukoto |
-iruk |
The reply, the belief. |
|
In-gisisat |
En-gisisata |
-isis |
The glory. |
|
In-gisudorot |
En-gisudoroto |
-isudoo |
The secret. |
|
In-gisujat |
En-gisujata |
-isuj |
The cleaning. |
|
In-gitagat |
En-gitagata |
-itag |
The hut in which |
|
the elders meet. |
|||
|
In-gitanyanyukot En-gitanyanyukoto -itanyanyuk The parable (lit. the |
|||
|
making similar). |
|||
|
In-giterat In-giterunot |
En-giterata En-giterunoto |
-iter ) -iteru J |
The beginning. |
|
In-gitingot |
En-gitingoto |
-iting |
The end. |
|
In-gityamat |
En-gityamata |
-ityam |
The jumping. |
Examples of substantives which form their singular by adding a or o to the plural :
Plural.
Il-abur
Il-akir
Angat
Ing-arn
Im-bat
Im-blt
Il-changit
In-jangit
In-daghol
In-dapan
In-duduny
Il-karash
Il-kujit
In-guiit
Il-kurt
Il-lughuny
Ing-opir
Ing-opit
Ing-orn
Il-papit
|
Singular. |
English. |
|
Ol-abura |
The froth. |
|
Ol-akira |
The star. |
|
Angata |
The plain, wilderness. |
|
Eng-arna |
The name. |
|
Em-bata |
The bank of a river. |
|
Em-blto |
The sinew, tendon, bow¬ string. |
|
Ol-changito |
The wild animal. |
|
En-jangito |
‘ A what-d’you-call-it/ |
|
En-daghola |
The cheek. |
|
En-dapana |
The skin of a goat, sheep. |
|
or calf. |
|
|
En-dudunyo |
The heel. |
|
Ol-karasha |
The cotton cloth. |
|
Ol-kujita |
The long, coarse grass. |
|
En-gujita |
The turf. |
|
Ol-kurto |
The caterpillar. |
|
El-lughunya |
The head. |
|
Eng-opiro |
The small feather. |
|
Eng-opito |
The cord (made from the |
|
bark of a tree). |
|
|
Eng-orno |
The butter. |
|
Ol-papita |
The hair. |
Exceptions.
|
Plural. |
Singular |
Verbal root. |
English. |
|
In-audot |
En-audoto |
-ud |
The hole. |
|
I-ila |
E-ilata |
-el |
The oil. |
|
Il-lotot In-gung Il-ki In-guk |
El-lototo En-gungu Ol-kina En-gukuo |
-loolo |
The journey, march. The knee. The teat. The charcoal, soot. |
32
MASAI GRAMMAR
Class VI.
There are a few substantives which are unchangeable and have the same form in the singular and plural. Examples :
Singular. Plural. English.
Ol-aijolojola Il-aijolojola The hartebeest.
Ol-doinyo Il-doinyo The mountain.
Ol-kesen Il-kesen The cloth for carrying a
baby in.
Eng-oitoi Ing-oitoi The road.
O-riri I-riri The termite.
Ororei I-rorei The word.
Ol-tuli Il-tuli The buttock.
Substantives with Singular Eorm only.
Some substantives have no plural.
En-aimin, the darkness.
Ol-aro, the shame.
En-giopo, the adultery.
En-gisiiisiu, the wind.
En-gishon, the life, age.
En-gitoo, the kingdom, wealth, greatness, age.
To these may be added words ending in -ishu. Examples : E-sidanishu, the beauty. En-garsisishu, the kingdom, the riches. En-guretishu, the fear.
Examples :
En-gure, the thirst. Ol-kirobi, ) ,, r 01-oirobi,}thefeVer- Eng-oilelio, the dew. Ol-oijilili, the drop. Ol-oireriu, the dirt, rust.
Substantives with Plural Form only.
A few substantives have no form for the singular. Examples : In-dare1, the flock. Kulle (in compound words, alle), milk.
In-gulak, the urine. I-motori, soup.
Ing-amulak, the saliva.
Irregular Plurals.
A certain number of substantives form their plural irregularly. In a few instances different words are apparently used, in others different terminations from those already discussed.
Examples in which different words are used :
Singular- Plural.
En-giteng, the ox, cow 2 ; In-glshu, the cattle, oxen, cows.
Ol-kiteng, the bullock ; Il-mongi, the bullocks.
O-sighiria, the donkey ; I-sirkon, the donkeys.
En-dito, the daughter, young girl ; In-doiye, the daughters, girls.
1 En-darei is rarely used for a single goat.
2 The cow is usually termed en-giteng lepong, i. e. the female ox.
SUBSTANTIVES
33
Singular. Plural.
En-gop, the land, country ; In-gwapi, the lands, countries.
|
01-chata,}thetree> firewood; |
Il-kak, the trees, firewood. |
|
|
En jata* j sma^ tree, stake ; |
In-gak, the small trees, twigs. |
|
|
Examples in which unusual terminations are used : |
||
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
En-aisho |
In-aishi |
The honey. |
|
En-aibon |
In-aibonoreitin |
The medicine, charm. |
|
Eng-dlo |
Ing-dloli |
The direction, place. |
|
Eng-duo |
Ing-ai |
The bow. |
|
Ol-bungae |
Il-bungaiko 1 |
The young bull. |
|
En-daa |
In-daiki |
The food. |
|
En-gine |
In-gineji |
The goat. |
|
En-giringo |
In-giri |
The animal, the meat. |
|
En-giyok |
In-giyaa |
The ear. |
|
En-gubis |
In-gubisir |
The thigh. |
|
En-gutuk |
In-gutukie |
The mouth. |
|
Ol-kilikwai Ol-mafigatinda E-masaita E-figikitoi |
Il-kiliko Il-mafigati I-masaa I-ngik |
The messenger, message. The enemy. The wealth. The human excrement, word |
|
of abuse. |
||
|
E-ngwenitoi |
I-figweni |
Word of abuse. |
|
E-ngudi |
I-figusidin (rarely The stick. |
|
|
I-ngudisin) |
||
|
Eng-oshoghe |
Ing-oshua |
The belly. |
|
Ol-tau |
Il-tauja |
The heart, mind, spirit, soul |
|
Ol-tidu |
Il-tidii |
The needle. |
Plural of Compound Words.
Compound words are commonly employed in Masai. They are made either by joining two substantives or a substantive and another part of speech together, or by prefixing the article to the relative connected with the verb. Though the articles and genitive particles are sometimes omitted in the singular, they are all employed in the formation of the plural.
Examples of the First Division.
Kutuk-aji (Mouth-hut)
Tasat-aina (Thin-arm)
1 Sometimes pronounced Il-bungaikop.
’N -gutukie-oo-’ng-ajijik (The-mouths-of-the-huts) Il-tasati-’ng-aik (The-thin-the- arms)
The door.
The person with a deformed arm.
HOLLIS
D
34
MASAI GRAMMAR
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
|
Ol-o-uro-kutuk |
’L-oo-urd-kutukie |
The man with |
|
(The-who-cuts-mouth) |
(Tbe-wbo-cut-montbs) |
theteethknock- ed out or with the lips cut. |
|
Ol-o-dung-o-aina |
’L-oo-dung-o-’ng-aik |
The one-armed |
|
(The-whom-cut-is-arm) |
(Tbe-wbom-cut-are-the-arms) |
person. |
|
En-na-iba-o-sina |
’N-n&wba-’ sinaitin |
The moth. |
|
(The-which-hates-the-trouble) (The-which-hate-the-troubles) |
||
|
Obowaru-keri |
’L-dwarak-kerin |
The leopard. |
|
(The-beast-of-prey-spotted) |
(The-beasts-of-prey-spotted) |
|
|
Ol-owaru-kitok |
’L-owarak-kituak |
The lion. |
|
(The-beast-of-prey-big) |
(The-beasts-of-prey-big) |
|
|
Ol-lo-T-masi |
Il-loo-T-masin |
The lion. |
|
(The-of-tbe-mane) |
(The-of-tbe-manes) |
|
|
En-na-rok-kutuk |
’N-naa-rook-kutukie |
The monkey1. |
|
( The-which-is-black-mouth) |
(The-which-are-black-mouths) |
|
|
En-gidas-in-dare |
-gidas-in-dare |
The mongoose. |
|
(The-sucker-tbe-flocks) |
(Tbe-suckers-tbe-flocks) |
|
|
Ol-o-ad o-kiragata |
’L-oo-ado-kiragat |
The giraffe. |
|
(The-wbo-is-long-sleeping-place) (The-wlio-are-long-sleeping-place) |
||
|
Ol-o-ibor-kidongoi |
'L-oo-ibor-kidongo |
The wild dog. |
|
(The- which-is- white-tail) |
(Tbe-whicb-are-wbite-tails) |
|
|
Ol-le-T-lughunya |
Il-loo-T-lughuny |
The brain. |
|
(The-of-tbe-bead) |
(The-of-the-heads) |
|
|
Ol-le-’ng-aina |
Il-loo-’ng-aik |
The elephant. |
|
(Tbe-of-tbe-arm) |
(Tbe-of-the-arms) |
|
|
Ol-o-ngui |
'L-oo-ngu |
The Kamba2. |
|
(The-who-stinks) |
(The-who-stink) |
|
|
Examples oe the Second Division. |
||
|
Ol-o-ton-ie-ki |
’L-oo-ton-ie-ki |
The seat, the |
|
(Tbe-wbicb-sat-upon-is) |
(Tbe-which-sat-upon-are) |
buttocks. |
|
Ol-o-un-isho |
"L-oo-un-isho |
The sower. |
|
(The-who-sows) |
(The-wlio-sow) |
|
|
Ol-o-rip-isho |
’L-oo-rip-isho |
The tailor. |
|
(The-wh'o-sews) |
(The-wh’o-sew) |
|
|
Ol-o-T-u |
’L-oo-I-u |
The father. |
|
(The-wbo-begets) |
(Tlie-wbo-beget) |
|
|
Ol-d-lubo |
’L-oo-lubo |
The impalla |
|
(Tbe-wbicb-is-not-satisfied) |
(Tbe-wbich-are-not-satisfied) |
antelope. |
Cercopitkecus Griseo- Viridis.
2 A tribe of people.
35
ADJECTIVES.
There are three classes of words which can be used as adjectives in Masai. The first appears to consist of true adjectives, which were possibly originally all independent substantives, and substantives used in an adjectival sense. They do not indicate gender or class, and agree with the substantive they qualify in number only.
The second class consists of words formed by verbs joined to the relative. When simple neuter verbs are thus employed, the termina¬ tion in the plural does not alter, the sole change taking place in the relative, which agrees in gender and number with the substantive. With irregular verbs or derivatives the plural termination varies according to the class of verb.
The third class consists of a few words to which is prefixed the genitive particle. They are unchangeable, but the particle agrees in gender with the substantive.
Class I.
The same rules for the formation of the plural of adjectives belong¬ ing to this class are followed as with substantives, and though the adjective agrees in number with the substantive it qualifies, it does not necessarily take the same plural termination.
When used as an attribute the adjective generally follows the substantive, but it is sometimes inserted between the substantive and the article. Examples :
Ol-ashe sumbat or o-sumbat-ashe, the sickly calf.
’L-asho sumbati or ’sumbati-asho, the sickly calves.
En-giteng uas, the striped ox.
’IST-glshu uasin or ’n-uasin-glshu, the striped cattle.
Ol-ngatuny lepong, the female lion (lioness).
Il-ngatunyo le’ponga, the lionesses.
Ol-ayoni botor, the big boy.
’L-ayok botoro, the big boys.
Ol-keju (or e-uaso) ngiro, the brown river.
Il-kejek (or ’uason) ngiroin, the brown rivers..
En-dito sidai, the beautiful girl.
’N-doiye sidan, the beautiful girls.
Ol-kerr ngojine, the lame ram.
Il-kerra ngojmia, the lame rams.
Ol-omoni torono, the bad stranger.
’L-omon torok, the bad strangers, the bad news.
Ol-kila musana, the old garment.
Il-kilani musan, the old garments.
Ol-murani bioto, the healthy warrior.
Il-muran biot, the healthy warriors.
D 2
MASAI GRAMMAR
36
The following are irregular :
|
Singular. |
Plural. |
English. |
||
|
Masc. |
Fem. |
Masc. Fem. |
||
|
Dorop |
Doropu |
Short. |
||
|
Rongai |
Rongerna |
Thin, narrow (in¬ |
||
|
animate objects). |
||||
|
Oti |
Kiti |
Ooti 1 Kutiti |
Small. |
|
|
Kuti |
Few. |
|||
|
Ado |
or o-ado |
Nado |
Adoru |
High, long. |
Examples :
Il-tunganak doropu, the short men.
’Ng-&riak rongerna, the narrow streams.
Ol-tungani oti, the small man.
Il-tunganak ooti, the small men.
E-ngoroyoni kiti, the small woman.
’$goroyok kutiti, the small women.
’Ng-olongi kuti, the few days.
When the adjective is used predicatively, it precedes the substan¬ tive and article 2 :
Torono ol-tungani, the man is bad.
Torok il-tunganak, the men are bad.
Class II.
The adjectives belonging to the second class — in reality relatives compounded with verbal forms — follow the substantives they qualify, and agree with them in gender and number :
Ol-murani o-gol, the warrior who is strong or the strong warrior. Il-muran oo-gol, the strong warriors.
E-ngoroyoni na-nana, the gentle woman.
’Ngoroyok naa-nana, the gentle women.
E-weji ne-wang, the open place.
’Wejitin nee-wang, the open places.
Ol-tungani o-ibor, the white man.
Il-tufiganak oo-ibor, the white men.
Eng-are na-iroua, the hot water.
’Ng-driak nd-iroua, the hot waters.
E-weji ne-irobi, the cold place.
’Wejitin nee-irobi, the cold places.
In some cases the verbal part as well as the relative takes plural inflexions :
Ol-doinyo o-rok, the black mountain.
Il-doinyo oo-rook, the black mountains.
1 Ooti cannot be used predicatively, and kutiti is employed instead : e. g. kutiti *l-airakuj, the kidneys are small ( vide p. 139).
a In sentences of this kind the demonstrative pronoun generally takes the place of the article : e. g. torono elle-tungani, this man is bad.
ADJECTIVES
37
En-giteng na-tua, the dead ox.
’N-gishu naa-tuata, the dead oxen.
En-giringo na-tungwa, the rotten meat.
’N-giri naa-tungwaita, the rotten meats.
Ol-kila o-tarueiye, the spoilt garment.
Il-kilani oo-tarueitye, the spoilt garments.
E-weji ne-nyokye, the red place.
’Wejitin nee-nyokyo, the red places.
Ol-chani o-toyo, the dry tree.
Il-kak oo-tdito, the dry trees.
In a few instances the adjective is inserted between the substantive and the article :
En-na-ibor-tuli (the white buttock), the Thomson’s gazelle. ’L-oo-do-kilani, the blood-red garments (name of a district). ’L-oo-do-kishu, the blood- red cattle (name of two clans, vide p. 260).
Class III.
The words belonging to this class are merely genitives used as attributes (similar to such expressions as days of old, homme de bien, &c.). They follow the substantive they qualify :
Eng-aina e-tatene, the right hand.
Eng-oitoi e-kedyanye, the left road.
’L-omon li-opa, the former news.
’L-omon li-akenya, the future news.
Il-changit le-’n-dim, the wild animals (lit. of the wood).
All adjectives can be used as substantives by prefixing the article. Examples :
Ol-oti, the small one, the younger.
Ol-botor, the big one, the elder.
Ol-o-rok, the black man.
En-na-rok, the black woman.
En-e-tatene, the right (hand).
Two or more adjectives can follow a substantive :
Ol-kiteng orok sinyati li-opa, the former black healthy bullock. If there are two adjectives of the first class qualifying a substantive, one is usually inserted between the article and the substantive, and the other follows the substantive :
Ol-kitok-tungani sapuk, the big, fat man.
When a noun is qualified by an adjective, and followed by a genitive, the genitive precedes the adjective. Examples :
Eng-anashe o-’l-murani kiti (the sister of the warrior small), the warrior’s small sister.
’Ng-abobok o-’l-chani naudo (the barks of the tree nine), nine strips of bark of the tree.
38
MASAI GRAMMAR
The Comparison of Adjectives.
There are not, properly speaking, any degrees of comparison in Masai.
The comparative is represented in several ways.
1. By the use of a-lafig, to cross (a river) or to surpass :
E-melok e-lang en-aisho (it is sweet, it surpasses honey), it is
sweeter than honey.
Sidai enna-toki a-lang eng-ae (beautiful this thing to surpass the other), this thing is more beautiful than the other.
E-tii ol-kitok o-lang (he is there the big one who surpasses him), there is some one greater than he.
2. By the use of a-lus-oo, to pass thither or to surpass, followed by the local case :
Sidai enna-toki a-lus-oo te-’ng-ae (beautiful this thing to pass by the other), this thing is more beautiful than the other.
3. By the use of peno, a little more :
I-’ya-u en-doki kiti peno, bring something a little smaller.
4. By the use of ol-pisyai, the chain, and in this sense possibly, the rest :
E-ata ’n-glshu tomon 0 ol-pisyai (he has ten cows and the chain), he has more than ten 'cows.
A-isho-o ’rupiani ip o ol-pisyai (he gave me 100 rupees and the chain), 'he gave me over 100 rupees.
More can be translated by likae, &c., other (which see, p. 46), by a-pon, to increase, or by a-itu-lus-oo, to cause to pass :
To-pon-a kulle, i-’ya-u kulye-alle mono, increase the milk, bring ' more of thy milk.
E-itu-lus-ori ’ndae (it is made to pass to you), more shall be given you.
The superlative is generally denoted by the use of the adjective in its simple form :
Kalo^upat^^ " } "^0 Which) is the best %
It can also be translated by an adjectival substantive followed by the local case :
Ninye ol-oti too-l-muran pokin (he the small from the warriors all), he is the smallest' of all the warriors.
Like the comparative, the superlative can also be expressed by a-lus-oo, followed by the local case, or by a-lang, particularly by the former :
ADJECTIVES
39
Supat elle, e-lus-oo te-pokin (good this one, he passes by all), this one is the best of all.
Supat ledo, kake elle o-lus-oo te-’supatishu (good that one, but this one who surpasses in goodness), that man is good, but this one is the best.
Supat elle a-lafig pokin (good this one to surpass all), this one is the best of all.
THE NUMERALS.
|
Masculine. |
Feminine. |
English. |
|
Obo |
Nabo 1 |
One. |
|
Aare |
Are |
Two. |
|
Okuni |
Uni |
Three. |
|
Oofigwan |
0 fig wan |
Four. |
|
Imyet 2 |
Five. |
|
|
Ille2 |
Six. |
|
|
Oopishana |
Naapishana |
Seven. |
|
Isyet 2 |
Eight. |
|
|
Oudo |
Naudo |
Nine 3. |
|
Tomon |
Ten. |
|
|
Tomon o obo |
Tomon o nabo |
Eleven. |
|
Tomon o aare 4 5 |
Tomon o are |
Twelve. |
|
Tomon o okuni |
Tomon o uni |
Thirteen. |
|
Tomon o oofigwan |
Tomon o ofigwan |
Fourteen. |
|
Tomon o imyet |
Fifteen. |
|
|
Tomon o |
ille |
Sixteen. |
|
Tomon o oopishana |
Tomon oo naapishana |
Seventeen. |
|
Tomon o isyet |
Eighteen. |
|
|
Tomon o oudo |
Tomon oo naudo |
Nineteen. |
|
Tigitam |
Twenty. |
|
|
Tigitam o obo |
Tigitam o nabo |
Twenty-one. |
|
Osom or 'N-domoni |
uni |
Thirty. |
Artam or ’N-domoni ofigwan Forty.
Onom or 'N-domoni ’myet Fifty.
Onom oo tomon or ’N-domoni Tie Sixty5.
Onom oo tigitam or 'N-domoni naapishana Seventy.
Onom oo 'n-domoni uni or ’N-domo"ni 'syet Eighty.
Onom o artam or 'N-domoni naudo Ninety.
1 1 when used with e-weji, the place, is nebo.
2 The i is sometimes omitted when these words follow a vowel.
8 Endoroj is occasionally used for nine.
4 When two numerals are joined by the conjunction and , the double o of the plural is only pronounced if followed by a consonant.
5 Often everything above fifty is simply styled ip. If it is desired to express a very large number, ip-ip, one thousand, or le-me-iken-ayu, countless, are used.
4 Q
MASAI GRAMMAR
Masculine. Feminine.
iP
Ip o obo Ip o onom
Ip onom
Ip-Ip or ’N-domoni ip Ip-Ip kata-’myet
English.
Hundred.
One hundred and one. One hundred and fifty.
Five hundred.
One thousand.
Five thousand.
With the exception of 1, the number always follows the substantive :
Il-tunganak aare, two men.
When 1 is placed before the substantive, the article is omitted; when it follows, the article is retained :
Obo-tungani or Ol-tungani obo, one man.
Nabo-olong or Eng-olong nabo, one day.
The ordinal numbers are expressed by the use of the genitive particle with or without the article :
Ol-tungani li-oongwan, the fourth man.
Eng-aji e-ongwan, the fourth hut.
Tapala '1-tufiganak aare, toriku ol-li-okuni (leave two men alone, bring the third), bring the third man.
First and last can both be expressed by Ol-le-bata, the-of-side. First is, however, more usually translated by one of the following : Ol-le-lughunya, the-of-head.
Ol-o-ituruk, the-who-precedes.
Ol-o-lus-oo, the-who-passes-by.
Last is translated by Ol-le-kurum, the-of-behind, or Ol-o-ingopu, the-who-is-behind.
Once , Twice , &c., are denoted by the use of en-gata, the time : Nabo-kata1, once, the first time.
Kat’-are, twice.
’H-gataitin are, the second time.
5N-gata'itin aja % how many times ?
'N-gataiitin kumok, often.
First of all is translated by a-ngas a-iter, to commence to begin, or simply by a-ngas, to commence :
I-ngas a-iter en-gias, pe ilo, ) you must first of all do the work, I-ngas en-gias, pe ilo, ’ J then you may go.
The Masai have various finger signs to denote the numerals.
1. The first finger of the right hand is held up and the rest of the fist closed. The hand must be kept still.
1 The first time can also be rendered by eng-aiter.
NUMERALS
4i
2. The outstretched first and second fingers are rubbed rapidly one against the other.
3. The first finger is rested on the thumb and the first joint of the middle finger is placed against the side of the middle joint of the first finger, the other two fingers remaining closed.
4. The fingers are outstretched, the first and middle ones being crossed.
5. The fist is closed with the thumb placed between the first and second fingers.
6. The nail of one of the fingers — generally the ring finger — is clicked three or four times by the thumb nail.
7. The tip of the thumb is rubbed rapidly against the tip of one of the fingers, generally the middle finger, the hand remaining open.
8. The hand is opened and the fingers are either all pressed together or all kept apart. A rapid movement with the hand in this position is then performed, first in a downward and then in an upward direction. This movement is made by the hand only, the wrist acting as lever.
9. The first finger is bent so that the tip touches the tip of the thumb, the other fingers being at the same time opened.
10. The closed fist is thrown out and opened, the nail of the middle finger being at the same time clicked against the tip of the thumb.
20. The open fist is closed and opened two or three times.
30. The fingers are placed in the same position as when representing 1, i. e. the first finger is held up while the rest of the hand is closed. When in this position the hand is shaken slightly from the wrist.
40. The hand is opened, and the first and middle fingers are pressed together, as are also the ring and little fingers, a gap thus existing between the middle and ring fingers. When in this position the hand is shaken.
50. The tip of the thumb is placed between the ends of the first and middle fingers. The other fingers can be opened or closed at the same time.
6Q. Por ip, that is to say anything above fifty, the closed fist is jerked out from the body, the fingers being at the same time opened.
PRONOUNS.
The full forms of the personal pronouns aye : Singular.
Plural.
I
Thou
He, she, or it
lye
Ninye
Nanu
We
You
They
Iyook.
Indae.
Ninje.
42
MASAI GRAMMAR
The second person singular is often contracted into "ye and occasion¬ ally into i. Iyook and Indae become ’yook and ’ndae when following a vowel, or at the commencement of sentences. Unless the subject has been previously mentioned, the demonstrative pronouns are generally used for he, she, it, and they.
The objective cases, me, thee, him, &c., can be expressed by the same forms as those given above for the nominative case, I, thou, &c.
The possessive case, of me, &c., is expressed by the possessive pronouns, or, rarely, by the particle le or e inserted between the sub¬ stantive and the personal pronoun.
The local case is expressed by the particle te prefixed to the personal pronoun, e. g. e-gol te-ninje, it is hard for them.
The position of the personal pronoun with regard to the verb is given on p. 49.
The personal pronouns when combined with a verb as subject or object are indicated by special prefixes. See p. 48.
POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS.
The possessive pronouns are always placed after the substantive denoting the thing possessed, and vary according to gender and number.
|
They are : |
Singular. Masc. Fern. |
Plural. Masc. Fem. |
||
|
My |
Lai |
Ai |
Lainei |
Ainei. |
|
Thy |
Lino |
Ino |
Linono |
Inono. |
|
His, her, or its |
Lenye |
Enye |
Lenyena |
Enyena. |
|
Our |
Lang |
Ang |
Lang |
Ang. |
|
Your |
Linyi |
Inyi |
Linyi |
Inyi. |
|
Their |
Lenye |
Enye |
Lenye |
Enye. |
Ol-alem lai, my sword. ’L-alema lainei, my swords.
Eng-alem ai, my knife. ’Ng-alema ainei, my knives.
The words mine, thine , &c., used predicatively or absolutely, take the article. Various prefixes are also added, and changes made, in some of the words, as is shown in the following table :
Mine Ol-lalai En-ai Il-kulainei In-gunainei.
Thine Ol-lino En-ino Il-kulonono In-gunonono.
His, hers, or its Ol-lenye En-enye Il-kulenyena In-gunenyena. Ours Ol-lalang En-ang Il-kulalang In-gunang.
Yours Ol-linyi En-inyi Il-kulinyi In-guninyi.
Theirs Ol-lenye En-enye Il-kulenye In-gun enye.
’L-alema lenye kullo, kodee T-kulonono % these are their swords, where are thine 1
Mi-ar il-asurai, T-kulalang, do not kill the snakes, they are ours.
PRONOUNS
43
I-ata ’n-glshu inono ; e-ata sii ol-oiboni ’n-gunenyena, thou hast thy cattle ; the medicine-man also has his.
Sidai en-doki enye a-lang en-ai, his thing is better than mine.
There is a short enclitic form of the Possessive Pronoun of the
second and third persons, which i mother :
Singular.
Minye, thy or your father ;
Menye, his, her, or their father ;
Ngutunyi, thy or your mother ;
Ngotonye, his, her, or their mother ;
The personal pronouns may be give emphasis. The word o-sesen in this sense :
s used with the words father and Plural.
Loominyi, thy or your fathers. Loomenye, his, her, or their fathers.
Noongutunyi, thy or your mothers. Noongotonye, his, her, or their mothers.
added to the possessive pronoun to i, the body, is also sometimes used
Eng-alem ai nanu, Eng-alem o-’sesen lai,
my own knife.
DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS.
There are four classes of demonstrative pronouns. The first denotes objects near at hand ; the second, objects at a distance ; and the third and fourth, objects previously mentioned. They each have forms for the masculine and feminine, and the word e-weji, the place, requires a special form to be used with it.
Class I.
This or these, of objects at no great distance : Masculine. Feminine. Used with the word e-weji.
Elle Enna Enne
Kullo Kunna Kunne or Kunnen
English.
This.
These.
Class II.
That or those or yonder, referring to things at a distance :
Ledo or elde Enda Ende That.
Kuldo Kunda Kunde or Kunden Those.
Class III.
This or these, mentioned before :
Illo Inna Inne This.
Lello Nenna Nenne These.
44
MASAI GRAMMAR
Class IV.
That or those or yonder, mentioned before :
Masculine. Feminine. Used with the word e-weji. English.
Lido Idya Idye That.
Lekwa Nekwa Nek we Those.
When the demonstrative pronoun is joined to a substantive, it takes the place of the article :
Ledo-tungani, that man. Enna-kerai, this child.
When used predicatively, the article is retained, and the demon¬ strative follows the substantive :
Ol-tungani ledo, that is the man.
En-gerai enna, this is the child.
In the genitive and local cases the first letter of the demonstrative is omitted if an e :
Ol-origha le-Tle-tungani, the stool of this man.
E-gol te-lle-tungani, it is hard for this man.
If it is desired to lay stress on the demonstrative pronoun, the syllable nya, nye, or nyo is prefixed to it. When the demonstrative has taken this form and is joined to a substantive, the article is retained :
Nyelle ol-tungani, this man here, this very man.
Nyoolo ’l-tunganak, these men here.
Nyanna e-ngoroyoni, this woman here.
Nyonna ’ngoroyok, these women here.
Nyenne e-weji, just this place.
REFLEXIVE PRONOUNS.
Most verbs have a special reflexive form which is much used.
When this form does not exist or is employed for the neuter or quasi-passive, the word Iceman is affixed to the verb in the singular and aate in the plural :
A-dung kewan, I cut (or shall cut) myself.
Ki-dung aate, we cut (or shall cut) ourselves.
Self is also occasionally translated by ol-tau, the heart :
E-nyor ol-tau lenye (he loves his heart), he loves himself. When self is added to a pronoun to express emphasis, it is rendered in Masai by open in the singular, and oopen in the plural :
Ol-tungani open, the man himself.
U-tunganak oopen, the men themselves.
Nanu open, I myself.
'Took oopen, we ourselves.
PRONOUNS
45
The word owner is translated by open preceded by the article. It ; followed by the nominative and not by the genitive as in English :
01-open eng aji, 1 owner 0f the hut.
En-open eng-aji, j
L-oopen ing-ajijik, 1 owners 0f the huts.
N-oopen mg-ajrjik, J
By myself \ by ourselves , &c., are also rendered by open, oopen : Nanu open, by myself ; ’Yook oopen, by ourselves.
RELATIVE PRONOUNS.
The relative pronouns have forms appropriate for the masculine and feminine of both numbers. There is also a special form for the word e-weji, the place :
Masc.
O1
Singular.
Used with the
Fem. word e-weji. Masc. Na Ne Oo
Plural.
Used with the
Fem. word e-weji. English. Naa 2 Nee Who, whom, or which.
Ol-tungani o-ra 3 sapuk, the man who is big. E-ngoroyoni na-ra sapuk, the woman who is big. E-weji ne-ra sapuk, the place which is big. Il-tunganak oo-ra sapuki, the men who are big. ’Ngoroyok naa-ra sapuki, the women who are big. ’Wejitin nee-ra sapuki, the places which are big.
When the negative is combined with the relative, le^me is used for the masculine, and ne-me for the feminine and for the word e-weji. These forms do not change in the plural :
Ol-tungani le-me-ra sapuk, the man who is not big. E-ngor5yoni ne-me-ra sapuk, the woman who is not big. Il-tunganak le-me-ra sapuki, the men who are not big. Ngoroyok ne-me-ra sapuki, the women who are not big.
The affirmative form of the relative is not divisible from the Verb, but the negative form can stand alone ; thus, whilst ol-tungani o sapuk 4 would be meaningless, ol-tungani le-me sapuk is as correct as ol- tungani le-me-ra sapuk.
To distinguish between the simple relative as subject or object the voice is raised or lowered at the end of the verb. When the relative
is the subject, the voice is raised, when the object, it is lowered. Various changes take place in the form of the relative when it is
1 The masculine singular relative is generally a long o, thus o.
2 Naa becomes na before verbs commencing with i.
3 A-a, to be ( vide p. 87).
4 Ol-tungani o-sapuk-u means, the man will be big (vide p. 87).
46
MASAI GRAMMAR
the subject, and the object is the first or second person singular (except when the subject is the first person plural) ; also when it is the object, and the subject is the first or second person singular. These alterations are shown on pp. 50-3.
The possessive form of the relative can be translated by open preceded by the article :
Ol-tuhgani ol-openy in-glshu, the man whose cattle they are.
INDEFINITE PRONOUNS.
There are two indefinite pronouns. The first, likae, &c., is equi¬ valent to other, another, the one . . . the other, and else ; the second poki, &c., to each, every, all, whosoever, and whatsoever, and in compound words to both, all three, &c.
Likae, &c., other, has different forms for the masculine and feminine, singular and plural. It invariably precedes the substantive, and can be used with or without the article according to the meaning :
Singular. Plural.
Masc. Fem. Masc. Fem.
Likae Ae Kulikae Kulye
Examples :
Likae-tungani, another man.
Kulye-ngoroyok, other women.
Ol-likae-tungani, the other man.
'N-gulye-ngoroyok, the other women.
I-mbot-o ol-likae, call the other one (masculine).
The one . . .the other , is translated by likae . . . likae, ae . . . ae, &c. :
E-to-Ishe eng-ae-ngordyoni, na olupi eng-ae, the one woman bore and the other was barren.
E-pwo kulikae, e-pwonu kulikae, some go and others come.
Else , when joined to somebody , something , or somewhere , is translated by likae, ae, &c. :
E-euo likae-tungani, somebody else came.
A-shomo ae-weji, I went somewhere else.
A-itobir-a ae-toki, I did something else.
Other is also used for the comparative of adjectives (which see, P- 38)-
Each, every, whosoever, and whatsoever , are translated by poki. When used in this sense, poki precedes the substantive, and the article is omitted :
E-euo poki-tungani, each man came.
E-etuo* poki-tunganak, every man came.
PRONOUNS
47
E-etuo te-poki-weji, they came from each place.
Ten e-lotu poki-tungani, ti-aki m-e-shomo, whosoever (or what¬ soever inan) comes, tell him to go away.
All is rendered by poki in the singular, and pokin in the plural 1. When employed thus, the article is retained, and poki follows the substantive :
E-ishir-a eng-aji poki, all the hut wept.
E-etuo T-tunganak pokin, all the people came.
Both, all three, &c., are translated as follows :
Masculine. Feminine. English.
Pokiraare Pokirare Both
Pokirokuni Pokirauni All three.
Pokiroongwan Pokirongwan All four.
Pokiraimyet All five.
E-etuo ’l-tunganak pokiraare, both men came.
E-etuo ’ngoroyok pokirauni, all three women came.
IHTEKRO G-ATIVES.
There are two interrogative pronouns that are declinable, (Ki)2 angae,
AVho ? and (K) alo, Which ? and one which is indeclinable, (K) ainyo 3, What ?
Who ? is declined as follows :
Singular. Plural.
Masc. Fem. Masc. Fem.
(Ki) angae (K) aloo-’ngae (K) anoo-’ngae
(K) ol-le-’ngae (K) en-e-’ngae (K) alkul-le-’ngae (K) angun-e-'ngae Whose ?
English.
Who? Whom ?
Which ? What ? or What sort of ? are rendered as follows :
(K) alo (K) aa (K) akwa.
If the interrogative pronoun is the subject, the verb requires a relative with it ; if it is followed by a demonstrative, the verb to be is implied. When Which? is joined to a substantive, the article is omitted: (Ki) angae- o-tii kishomi ? ) (Who [is it] who is there gate ?) Who is at the gate ?
- Who are at the gate ?
(Ki) angae na-tii kishomi ? J (K) aloo-’ngae oo-tii kishomi ?
(K) anoo-’ngae naa-tii kishomi ? ;
(Ki) angae i-yeu ? Whom do you want ?
(K) ol-le-’ngae elle-alem ? Whose sword is this ? (K) en-e-’ngae enna-alem ? Whose knife is this ?
1 Pokin may also be used with a singular substantive : e-ishir-a eng-aji pokin, all the hut wept.
2 K or Ki are often placed before an interrogative.
3 Ainyo, when it stands alone, is generally contracted into ’nyo or ’ya.
48
MASAI GRAMMAR
(K) alkul-le-’ngae kullo-alema 1 "Whose swords are these *?
(K) angun-e-’ngae kunna-alema 1 Whose knives are these ?
(K) alo-tungani o-tii1? Which {or what sort of) man is there1?
(K) alo-tungani elle ? What man is this ?
(K) aa enna % What is tins ?
(K) ainyo na-tii h What is there ?
(K) ainyo ki-tum ? What (shall) we get 1
(K) ainyo e-ata kuldo ? (What have those ?) What is the matter with them ?
VERBS.
Verbs in Masai fall into two classes : ( a ) roots beginning with i or e1, ( b ) all other roots. There are also numerous derivative forms which may be assumed by most Masai verbs where in English either another verb or some compound expression must be used.
The principal difference between verbs commencing with i or e and those commencing with any other letter is to be found in the past tense and tenses constructed from the past. In the former a vowel only is affixed, and in the latter t and a vowel are also prefixed to the root. Examples :
A-suj, to follow. A-tu-suj-a, I followed.
A-isuj, to wash. A-isuj-a, I washed.
When conjugating the verb special prefixes are used to mark the subject. With the exception of the first person plural these prefixes change when the object is the first or second person singular.
When the subject is —
I and the object him, her, us, you, them, &c., or when there is no object, the prefix is A.
I and the object thee, the prefix is Aa 2.
Thou and the object him, her, us, them, &c., or when there is no object, the prefix is I.
Thou and the object me, the prefix is Ki.
He, she, or it* and the object him, her, us, you, them, &c., or when there is no object, the prefix is E.
He, she, or it, and the object me, the prefix is Aa 2.
He, she, or it, and the object thee, the prefix is Ki.
We and the object thee, him, her, you, them, &c., or when there is no object, the prefix is Ki.
1 There appear to be only two verbs which, with their derivatives, commence with e : a-el, to anoint, and a-eang, to breathe.
2 Aa is used for all verbs except those commencing with i, when a slightly accentuated a is employed instead.
VERBS
49
You and the object him, her, us, them, &c., or when there is no object, the prefix is I.
You and the object me, the prefix is Ki.
They and the object him, her, us, you, them, &c., or when there is no object, the prefix is E.
They and the object me, the prefix is Aa h They and the object thee, the prefix is Ki.
The following examples will illustrate the use of these prefixes :
Singular.
A-suj, I follow him, &c.
Aa-suj, I follow thee.
I-suj, thou followest him, &c. Ki-suj, thou followest me.
E-suj, he or she follows him, & c. Aa-suj, he or she follows me. Ki-suj, he or she follows thee.
Plural.
Ki-suj, we follow thee, him, Sec.
I-suj-usuju, you follow him, Sec. Ki-suj-usuju, you follow me. E-suj, they follow him, &c. Aa-suj, they follow me.
Ki-suj, they follow thee.
In the active voice the personal pronoun is often added for emphasis or to prevent ambiguity. It always follows the verb, and is perhaps more frequently used in the objective than in the subjective case. If both are used, the latter precedes the former, except in the use of auxiliary or compound verbs. Examples :
A-ar nanu ’ndae te-’ngudi, e-ar ledo ’ndae to-’l-kuma (I-you-strike I you with-the-stick, he-you-strikes that-one you with-the- club), I strike you with the stick, he strikes you with the club.
A-ar nanu ’ndae te-’ngudi, e-lotu a-ar indae ledo to-’l-kuma (I-you- strike I you with-the-stick, he-you-comes to-strike you that- one with-the-club), I strike you with the stick, he comes to strike you (or he will strike you) with the club.
If the personal pronoun is used as the indirect object, it precedes the direct object. Example :
A-isho-o ’ndae ’1-alema, I have given you the swords.
When the first person plural is the subject, the last syllable of the verb is slightly accentuated. The objective personal pronoun is also usually added :
Ki-tu-suj-4 ’ye pokin, we have all followed thee.
Ki-tu-suj-a pokin, all have followed thee.
There is no difference in pronunciation between Thou hast followed me, He or She has followed thee, and They have followed thee. When however the prefix is aa, i. e. when the subject is I and the
1 Aa is used for all verbs except those commencing With i, when a slightly accentuated d is employed instead.
HOLLIS
5o
MASAI GRAMMAR
object tbee, and when tbe subject is be, she, or they and tbe object me, a difference in pronunciation is noticeable. In tbe first case tbe voice is lowered at tbe end of tbe word ; in tbe latter it is raised.
There is an impersonal form wbicb corresponds to tbe passive in English. This form is only conjugated in tbe third person singular, and is generally followed by a personal pronoun :
Aa-suj-i nanu, it is followed to me or I am followed.
A-iyolo-i aa-tu-suj nanu, it is known to be followed to me or I know bow to be followed.
Tbe objective prefix is used when anything about tbe person or thing is about to be stated :
Aa-tu-dufig-o ol-kimojlno (he-me-has-cut the-finger), be has cut off my finger,
Ki-an ing-aik te-kurum (they-thee-bind tbe-bands at-bebind), they will bind tby bands behind tbee.
The Relative.
Tbe relative, as explained above (p. 45), is inseparable from tbe verb. When it is used, it takes tbe place of tbe personal prefixes, and can be employed with tbe present tenses, with tbe past, and with tbe future. It is also used with tbe passive voice.
If tbe subject and object are expressed, tbe former precedes, and tbe latter follows, the relative and verb. Examples :
Nanu o-nyor ol-tufigani, (it is) I who love tbe man.
Nanu o-nyor-ita ol-tufigani, (it is) I who am loving tbe man.
Nanu o-to-nyor-a ol-tungani, (it was) I who loved tbe man.
Nanu omyor-u ol-tungani, (it is) I who will love tbe man.
Ol-tufigani o-nyor-i, tbe man who is loved.
Ol-tufigani o-nyor-ita-i, tbe man who is being loved.
Obtufigani o-to-nyor-a-ki, the man who was loved.
Ol-tufigani o-nyor-u-ni, tbe man who will be loved.
Tbe form of tbe relative changes when it is tbe subject and tbe object is tbe personal pronoun of tbe first and second person singular (except when tbe subject is tbe first person plural), l and n ( li and ni before k *) joined to tbe personal prefixes being substituted for 0 or 00 and na or naa :
Masculine. Feminine.
O-suj Na-suj
Laa-suj Naa-suj
O-suj Na-suj
Liki-suj Niki-suj
English.
I who follow him, her, you, tbe thing, &c. I who follow tbee.
Thou who followest him, her, us, &c.
Thou who followest me, &c.
1 li and ni are also sometimes used before in.
VERBS
5i
Masculine.
O-suj
Laa-suj
Liki-suj
Oo-suj
Oo-suj
Liki-suj-usuju
Oo-suj
Laa-suj
Liki-suj
Feminine. English.
Na-suj He who follows him, her, us, &c.
Naa-suj He who follows me.
Niki-suj He who follows thee.
Naa-suj We who follow thee, him, you, them, &c.
Naa-suj You who follow him, her, us, &c.
Niki-suj-usuju You who follow me.
Naa-suj They who follow him, her, us, &c.
Naa-suj They who follow me.
Niki-suj They who follow thee.
When the relative is the object of the verb, l and n joined to the personal prefixes are employed in place of 0 or 00 and na or naa if the subject is the first and second person singular or plural :
Ol-tungani la-suj, the man whom I follow. Ol-tungani li-suj, the man whom thou followest. Ol-tungani o-suj, the man whom he or she follows. Ol-tungani liki-suj, the man whom we follow. Ol-tungani li-suj-usuju, the man whom you follow. Ol-tungani o-suj, the man whom they follow.
When, however, there is an indirect object of the first or second; person singular, the objective relative in the third person also changes to l or n joined to the personal prefixes.
The following examples show the changes in the relative when there is an indirect object :
Ol-alem la-isho, the sword which I give to him, &c.
Ol-alem la-isho *, the sword which I give to thee,
Ol-alem li-njo 2, the sword which thou givest to him, &c.
Ol-alem liki-njo, the sword which thou givest to me.
Ol-alem 14-isho 1, the sword which he, she, or they give to me. Ol-alem liki-njo, the sword which he, she, or they give to thee. Ol-alem o-isho, the sword which he, she, or they give to him, &c. Ol-alem liki-njo, the sword which we give to thee, him, &c. Ol-alem li-njo -sho, the sword which you give to him, &c.
Ol-alem liki-njo-sho, the sword which you give to me.
When there is no antecedent, the article is prefixed to the relative : Singular.
Masculine. Feminine. English.
Ol-o-suj
Ol-laa-suj
Ol-liki-suj
En-na-suj
En-naa-suj
En-niki-suj
He who follows him, her, us, &c.
He who follows me. He who follows thee.
1 The Id would be laa before a verb beginning with any other letter.
2 Certain changes take place in the spelling of verbs commencing with i {vide pp. 53-5).
52
MASAI GRAMMAR
Plural.
Masculine.
’L-oo-suj
Feminine.
'N-naa-suj
They who follow him,
English.
her, us, &c.
Il-laa-suj
Il-liki-suj
’N-naa-suj
*N-niki-suj
They who follow me. They who follow thee.
Examples :
Ol-o-nyor-i, the (man) who is loved.
En-na-nyor-i, the (woman) who is loved.
E-tua ol-liki-ta-ar-a, he who struck thee is dead.
E-tii ’l-oo-pwonu oo ’1-oo-pwo (they hre there those who come and those who go), people come and go.
E-ibung-a ol-ameyu ninye oo ’l-oo-boit-are, hunger seized him and those who were with him.
A-ning ol-toilo lo-H-o-ishir, I hear the voice of some one crying. E-ta-a e-ngordyoni en-na-irita ’sirkon, the woman became one who herds donkeys.
Whoever is also often translated by this form of the relative :
E-ar-i ol-o-jo-ki elle-tungani, ) whoever tells this man, will be E-ar-i en-na-jd-ki elle-tungani, J beaten.
Adverbs of time or place are treated as relative particles, the letter n being simply added to the personal prefixes. When the antecedent is omitted, the feminine article precedes the word.
The words what or that which, whatever, wherever, and whenever, can be translated in the same way :
A-lo e-weji n-i-’ngua, I am going to the place whence thou comest. A-lo en-n-i-lo, I go whither {or when) thou goest.
A-iyolo nanu en-n-e-iko, I know what he will do.
A-iyolo en-doki n-e-iko, I know the thing that he will do. En-n-i-’yd-u-u n-a-isho \ whatever you will wish I shall give you. En-n-a-ti-jing-a pa a-ton, wherever I entered I stayed. En-n-e-iyo-u n-e-lo 1, n-a-lo, whenever {or wherever) he wishes to go, I will go.
The relative is often used in Masai where it is not employed in English. Examples :
na-lo ? } (Who wh° is g0“g ^ Wh° is g°ing ? Kakwa-tunganak oo-shomo % Which men have gone h Il-tunganak aja oo-shomo 1 How many men have gone 1 M-e-tii ol-tungani o-pik ol-marua hgejuk atwa ’1-mosorin musan (it is not there' the man who puts the new wine into the casks old), no man putteth new wine into old wine-skins.
1 The narrative tense (which see, p. 59) follows the verb a-iyo-u, to wish.
VERBS
53
Poki-tungani o-lotu, whoever may come.
Ol-doinyo o-ibor, the white mountain (Kilima Njaro). A-ata eng-are na-ok, I have some drinking water. I-’ya-u ol-origha la-ton-ie, bring me a chair to sit on.
The relative combined with the negative (le-me and ne-me) like¬ wise undergoes changes which are somewhat similar to those already enumerated. Except before mi, when le and ne become li and ni, the changes only affect the particle me.
Examples when the relative is the subject :
Masculine.
Le-me-suj
Le-maa-suj
Le-me-suj
Li-miki-suj
Feminine.
Ne-me-suj
Ne-maa-suj
Ne-me-suj
Ni-miki-suj
English.
I who do not follow him, her, &c. I who do not follow thee.
Thou who dost not follow him, &c. Thou who dost not follow me.
Examples when the relative is the object :
Ol-tungani le-ma-suj, the man whom I do not follow. Ol-tungani li-mi-suj, the man whom thou dost not follow, Ol-tungani le-me-suj, the man whom he or she does not follow.
Examples when an indirect object is employed :
Ol-alem le-ma-isho, the sword which I do not give to him, &c. Ol-alem le-md-isho, the sword which I do not give to thee. Ol-alem li-mi-njo, the sword which thou dost not give to him, &c. Ol-alem li-miki-njo, the sword which thou dost not give to me. Ol-alem le-md-isho, the sword which he does not give to me. Ol-alem li-miki-njo, the sword which he does not give to thee. Ol-alem le-me-isho, the sword which he does not give to him, &c.
When the antecedent is not expressed, the article precedes the particles le and ne :
Ol-le-me-ata, he who has not. En-ne-me-ata, she who has not. E-weji ne-me-tii T-tunganak, 1 a place where there are no En-ne-me-tii T-tuhganak, j people (a desert place).
Changes of Letters.
Various changes take place in many verbs which commence with i.
I. The i is omitted whenever it is preceded by another i and followed by i , Z, n , ng, ny , r, s, u, w, or y. It is also omitted after e in the plural of the imperative affirmative. In other words, the i of the root drops out in the second person singular, and first and second persons plural of all tenses (except in the first person plural of the subjunctive), both affirmative and negative of the active voice,
54 MASAI GRAMMAR
and in the second person singular of all tenses of the passive voice. Examples :
A-ii, I sharpen (it).
I-’i, thou sharpenest (it).
E-ii, he or she sharpens (it).
I-’i-o, sharpen (it).
A-ilTli, I hang (it) up. A-inining, I listen.
A-ingol, I stir (it). A-inyorinyor, I taste (it). A-iriran, I annoy (him). A-isalaash, I spread (it) out. A-iuang, I get out of the way.
A-iwo-u, I catch (blood in a gourd).
A-iyop, I cover (him).
Ki-’i, we sharpen (it).
I-’i-i, you sharpen (it).
E-ii, they sharpen (it).
E-'i-o, sharpen ye (it).
I-Tlli-li, you hang (it) up. I-’nining-ingi, you listen. I-’ngol-ingola, you stir (it). I-nyorinyor-oro, you taste (it). I-’riran-ana, you annoy (him). I-’salaash-asha, you spread (it) out. I- uang-uanga, you get out of the way.
I-’wo-u-u, you catch (blood in a gourd).
I-'yop-oyopo, you cover (him).
If, however, there are two verbs, the one commencing with i and the other with another letter, the roots of which are identical except for the first letter, the i is not omitted in the present tense or the tenses formed from it. Thus : a-nyal, to chew 1 ; a-inyal, to tease ; a-ruk, to thread; a-iruk, to reply to; a-suj, to follow; a-isuj, to wash. Examples :
A-inyal, I tease (him).
I-inyal, thou teasest (him). E-inyal, he or she teases (him).
A-inyal-a, I teased (him). I-’nyal-a, thou teasedst (him). E-inyal-a,he or she teased (him).
Ki-iny&l, we tease (him). I-inyal-inyala, you tease (him). E-inyal, they tease (him).
Ki-'nyal-d, we teased (him). I-’nyal-a, you teased (him). E-inyal-a, they teased (him).
II. The i is changed to n whenever it is preceded by another i and followed by d, g, k, t, and sh. The same change also takes place in the plural of the imperative affirmative.
As the letters k , t, and sh cannot follow n, they are at the same time altered to g, d, and j respectively. Examples :
A-idim, I am able. Ki-ndim, we are able.
I-ndim, thou art able. I-ndim-idimi, you are able.
E-idim, he or she is able. E-idim, they are able.
I-ndim-a, be able. E-ndim-a, be ye able.
1 A-nyal, to chew, is sometimes also pronounced a-nyaal.
VERBS
55
A-iguran, I play. I-nguran-ana, you play.
A-ikilikwan, I ask (him). I-ngilikwan-ana, you ask (him).
A-ityam, I jump. I-ndyam-ityama, you jump.
A-isho, I give (him). I-njo-sho, you give (him).
III. The i is changed to m whenever it is preceded by another i and followed by b , or p, y, or w. As p, y, and w cannot follow m they are at the same time altered to b. The plural of the imperative affirmative changes in a like manner. Examples :
A-ibung, I seize (him).
I-mbung *, thou seizest (him). E-ibung, he or she seizes (him).
I-mbung-a, seize (him).
A-ipung, or a-ivung, or a-iwung. I' go out.
I-mbung, thou goest out.
E-ipung, or e-ivung, or e-iwung, he or she goes out.
I-mbung-o, go out.
Ki-mbung, we seize (him). I-mbuhg-ubungu, you seize (him). E-ibung, they seize (him).
E-mbung-a, seize ye (him).
Ki-mbuhg, we go out.
I-mbuhg-upungu, or i-mbung- uyungu," or i-mbung-uwungu, you go out.
E-ipung, or e-ivung, or e-iwung, * they go out.
E-mbung-o, go ye out.
There are a few exceptions to these rules. In the verbs a-inos, to eat, and a-inok, to light, for instance, the i is retained in the present tenses. Examples :
A-inos, I eat (it). I-inos-inosa, you eat (it).
A-inos-a, I ate (it). I-’nos-a, you ate (it).
In the verbs a-itu, to return hither, and a-ito, to return thither, the i is not changed to n :
A-itu, I return hither. I-itu-tu, you return hither.
If the last vowel of the root is to u when joined by a consonant tc
A-iko, to do.
A-ingor, to look.
A-ingur-aa, to look thither. (But A-ingor-u, to look hither.
Exceptions :
A-bor, to tear.
A-ibor-u, to be white.
o, that letter is generally changed i a. Examples :
A-iku-na, I did.
A-ingur-a, I looked.
A-ingur-aiye, I looked thither. A-ingor-ua, I looked hither.)
A-ta-bor-a, I tore (it). A-ibor-a, I was white.
1 One also occasionally hears i-imbung, ki-imbuhg, &c.
5«
MASAI GRAMMAR
If the verbal root terminates in e, that letter changes to i when followed by a. Example :
A-ure, to fear. A-t-uri-a, I feared (him).
If the last letter of the root is k, preceded by a, the k is omitted in the formation of the past tense. Examples :
A-bak, to mend (surgically). A-ta-ba-a, I have mended.
A-diak, to make a mistake. A-ta-dia, I made a mistake. A-ipak, to enjoy. A-ipa-a, I enjoyed (it).
A-ishiak, to find. A-ishia, I found (it).
If the last letter of the root is k preceded by o, the k is omitted in the formation of the past tense when followed by o. Examples : A-mok, to become accustomed A-ta-mo-o, I became accustomed
to.
A-yook, to go early in the morning.
A-ibok, to hinder.
to.
A-ta-yoo, I went early in the morning.
A-ibo-o, I hindered (it).
If the last letter of the root is k preceded by o, the o is changed to Vj and the k is omitted when followed by a . Examples :
A-lok, to bend, fold. A-ta-lu-a, I bended, folded (it).
A-nyok, to give oneself A-to-nyu-a, I made an effort, trouble, make an effort.
A-irok, to cough. A-iru-a, I coughed.
A-inok, to kindle, light. A-inu-a, I kindled (it).
In one instance the same changes occur with a verb terminating in Z:
A-dol, to see. A-ta-du-a, I saw (him).
A-ita-dol, to make to see, to A-ita-du-a, I showed (him), show.
If the last letter of the root is k preceded by e, the e is changed to i and the k is omitted when followed by a. Examples :
A-dek, to insult. A-te-di-a, I insulted (him).
A-rek, to throw down. A-te-ri-a, I have thrown (him)
down.
In a few neuter verbs when the last letter of the root is k, that letter is changed to n in the formation of the past tense :
A-melok, to he sweet. A-ta-melon-o, I was sweet.
A-munyak, to have luck. A-ta-munyan-a, I had luck. A-piak, to be greedy. A-ta-j)ian-a, I was greedy.
VERBS
57
FORMATION OF TENSES. SIMPLE VERBS.
Active Voice. Indicative Tenses. Present.
In simple verbs there are two present tenses, one indefinite (I follow), and one imperfect and progressive (I am following). With the exception of the second person plural, the indefinite present is formed by merely adding the personal prefixes to the root. In the second person plural 1 the root is doubled, if of only one syllable, the reduplication being usually preceded and followed by a vowel. If of more than one syllable, the last syllable only is doubled. The imperfect and progressive present is formed by affixing iia or ito, and the last syllable is doubled in the second person plural :
A-suj (nanu ninye), I follow (him).
I-suj (iye ninye), thou followest (him).
E-suj (ninye ninye), he or she follows (him).
Ki-suj (iyook ninye), we follow (him).
I-suj-usuju (’ndae ninye), you follow (him).
E-suj (ninje ninye), they follow (him).
A-polos, I tear (him).
A-suj-ita, I am following (him). I-suj -ita, thou art following (him).
E-suj -ita, he or she is following (him),
I-polos-oso, you tear (him).
Ki-suj-itd, we are following (him). I-suj-ita-ta, you are following (him).
E-suj-ita, they are following (him).
A-isuj, I wash (him).
I-isuj, thou washest (him). E-isuj, he or she washes (him).
A-idetidet, I dream (it).
A-isuj -ita, I am washing (him). I-isuj -ita, thou art washing (him).
E-isuj-ita, he or she is washing (him).
Ki-isuj, we wash (him). X-isuj-usuju, you wash (him). E-isuj, they wash (him).
I-ndetidet-eti, you dream (it),
Ki-isuj -it A we are washing (him), I-isuj-ita-ta, you are washing (him).
E-isuj-it% they are washing (him).
1 The third person singular followed by the objective personal pronoun is occasionally used in place of the second person plural. Example : e-mut indae ol-ameyu, it finishes to you the hunger or you are dying of hunger.
58
MASAI GRAMMAR
Still or yet is indicated by eton, which means literally he sits or stays, prefixed to the present tenses :
Eton a-suj, I still follow (him).
Eton a-suj-ita, I am still following (him).
Eton a-isuj, I still wash (him).
Eton a-isuj-ita, I am still washing (him).
Past.
The past tense of simple verbs not commencing with i or e is formed by inserting between the root and the personal prefixes a t and a vowel (generally the same as the root vowel) and affixing a or o. Verbs commencing with i or e form the past tense by simply affixing a or o. No change takes place in the formation of the plural. Examples :
A-ta-figas-a, I began (it). A-iyam-a, I married (her).
A-te-yer-a, I boiled (it). A-iken-a, I counted (it).
A-ti-gil-a, I broke (it). A-ilili-o, I hung (it) up.
A-to-ning-o, I heard (it). A-inos-a, I ate (it).
A-tu-suj-a, I followed (it). A-isuj-a, I washed (it).
When a verbal root commences with a vowel (other than i or e), the prefix is often simply t :
A-t-an-a, I bound (it).
When the root ends in two vowels, the affix is generally omitted :
A-ta-rua, I kicked (it).
When the root ends in a single vowel, the affix a or o is sometimes preceded by an n or r :
A-ba, to get, reach. A-iro, to say.
A-ta-ba-na, I got, reached. A-iro-ro, I said.
A-tu-suj-a, I followed or have followed (him). I-tu-suj-a, thou followedst or hast followed (him). E-tu-suj-a, he or she followed or has followed (him). Ki-tu-suj-a, we followed or have followed (him). I-tu-suj-a, you followed or have followed (him). E-tu-suj-a, they followed or have followed (him).
A-isuj-a, I washed or