*' ?*t 't -%

M i* ■.» >.

■ i'^^i'.^

♦- i' %'■ \^-

' i'- %'■ i"- \

■. 4' ^' ^^ Ik! ^ %' -^ ■> ■ -V 'K i4

•\' /yvSa' -f'-V ."iB'-i ^4i ■}«'.'*'■ *. :!»/»*. V

'ii; ^?E^i(s ■* -> f .-i; ¥- :j8 ■'« 'It * -^ 4=

ijf -;?^^JK ^»\» f^i >'|!p' .is^ ,»: a :* f ■•*»

'« -js^ ^y -^^ '^_ '^^ >'^

■ .^- ,^ 5^- -IJ.' i^ ,y. ;;i^ : .*?!^ ■■>! •*■' ?« .)*•■;)»•«

* K*" ?*.■'" '-^ ■''^" ' » X *i" '^ -V ■'* =>«^

'■if -il^ ^ If' ^ ^

r <^fe (H ■!>' .^^ ■,

i: 'J*] .»: *_ *? '

.*' i.- ,iiji * .'W ' .y '^ -i? :» .S«f .

' . if' ^;r ■ V -if. 'if -

0. k/d -P^jt ^

.■^ e .«■ ;j»' ir '

' «t -7 jet > .i;

.jji? »■- .% w ■:«

^.Sr-'ji' v» 'S' .V

!■»:« :«*;»■ 'V

*?.'.s? :> ;*> -a.'-

•Sf ■*'•-« >'•!?.'

^ ';¥•• <'M ■*' •* » :,»?&■ .V 'S! ■*; •' .!siK^* ■«' i .^

' i^ ^' h \'^ ■;■■*' ■ iir is' ^W ;i -^sf

^^•^^^■^

V ■ *• V' ♦■■ '»?'

^' *1 *' 4-, ^' ■*' •'i»' ■*' ■?' >' '*■ ■^'^ '^' t, '^'. t, *i: * '^^ '^'= "^^ ^'< ■^'; t ; ■-";

■4' ijt' .i' i'^ -^ 4>; '^-^ ^' * • •*-;■■ *; 'ii; ■> '*■ f f ; #^'t! *; *! t> f^ t T:

■i' *■ 4' •*■' vi' :^' ^; >i; ^^w i' ■»•' ^' i^ #-' <*■ ^^'^ 4' ij-'*'^'^^ #'^ f„ f , f, *'

' .X ' r* ■ .' ■ ^ ' ■•■ ■•"■' ... f-' 4' ^•" ■*! *' 4'' *' k f *: f; 4> ■*, %'■ « ■ *

# i' : - ■. •»' ^:' *;' *; *' 4; '^" %f *! *• ^'' *?■ ♦ i' (^ ■!

-■ ■■■■ :■■- : ... ;- ■ . %\ |^4;-.^%i(4;^/4/ -'^ '^' ■^'^" ''^' '^' ""'

■ »■ f*' 'H 4' .#'■ '" ' *■" ""' "' '■ ' '' " " '

. ' ^,' ki-: 4' 4' * -w- T-, •'

: '^ i^ •'*, *: ■*■ ^*: ^-i

M^-*^rf.

' ^ '"*' 'K ■*•'

,%' *; .*" .^. ■i ■ .*' 4( ■ if' ! .4t V .v' *•!

■4' .!■■ =f^ ,*'

>y; •» ■»; it

;1K' it 'i; ;V

.»•■ r >" *■

''*'' '-^ '^; f

.f '*' i' * ■*•' *''*■'!■

4.' «; 'a;>^-^_f, ^ .'ji- ^r 4r # ■■»" fvf;

y' f' Y s: W ■*; •*'■

i' .S i; ;^- t •*.*■■

.» -j/ i^ *!■ r *'''^| s^ *., *^ ?;■*■ ?! ■*; .>■ .it' y *" ■» .j»vf.

,r *■' ^ -i^,'^* *. >;

f f: fi ••*' *, f f'

■Si':?-', -^ 9,. W »*_*;■ ■t f- iff •»'/*•*■, y'

« ,;>' W- r» *' i\

■i vV i?." Jt" .'■«••' i' i: ■ "i **' wf 4;' ■!&'■ ■$:■ -^^ *.' a: vf- ^. *' ■*':*; .»• ^'' .»?•*■ 4' -r^.f

%', .^, -r ^; V /i;*^

' af •'*'■ ^' *^ s.' '^^ 4

t i -i-' *=■ *■'■ ». ■*?

«;; >j.i' ■•*' •* *, '^'^

y '^z y i- i' *' f

4' * i' 'if' i J '^

V*- '*. •'?■ t*

.y.» 'j- # •:i' .*<

• !■■ '* ••*' •!■ *■ '»■•

s^.

■*;

.»/

*/\

>

'*

■'?'.

•i

■»■

■^,

«'

•jt."

''^'

4'

k

*"

'i

■■• .

f

4-..

J >

*

■*

•i'

^

k

*

%

*'

4-'

,t

*•■.

■$

*■;

*,

'i

■*•

*

f'

&■'

i

i'

»■

'%

■#■■'

»

■-^

i'

'.-■

/■

.#'

V

1

*

i'

■'*'

..i

»

■V

%."

#■

4'

*'"

4'

••->'

*■

■#'

'*',

A

•*"

*.

■*'

i'

"?'

"K

*■ ■.«;■

<M

ft'

■jji;

*■ '

■>.■

■^

'^!

*•

t> '^^

■•«

*]

•*'

I*"

*^

r

•■*■

'*'

*

*..'

i' '*•■

V

»'

f'

*'

tv

'«;'

■>'

■^'

''!

;*'

f ■ -f:

',«

t

?*■

f

•i:*

■f

'«>

*'^

•>

fr^

*■' H

a

»'

lit'

•9

'A'

'?'

^»

*

.+•

*

4!

■«

ft'

4-

4"

i'

4'

4

4

.'5^

a:

a

i«i

■i

■h'

1*.'

i'

^■"

i' **

•i

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 2 004 VOLUME XXX, NUMBER 2

THE MUSEUM OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECOR ATI \'E ARTS

EDITORIAL BOARD

Henry Parrott Bacot, Louisuvia State ihiiversit)', Baton Rouge

lohn A. Burrison, Gcorgiii State University, Atlanta

C'oIIl-l'ii Clallah.in, Riel-oiiond. Virgitiia

Barbara Carson, (jillege ofWilliiiin lUid Mary. Williaiusl/iirg, X'irgiiiia

Bernard D. Cotton, Biiekingha/i/s/iire College, Lh/iterl kingdom

Donald L. Fcnniniore, |r., Winterilmr Museum, W'interthiir, Delaware

I, eland Ferguson, University of South Caroliiiii, Colionbia

Kdward Ci. Hill, M.D., \\'i)i>ton-Salem, North Uarolnia

Ronald L. Hurst, (jilonial W'illiauishiirg Foundation, W'illanisburg, I trgniia

Theodore Landsmark, /'resident, Boston Arehiteetural (.enter. Boston. ALissaeliusetts

Carl R. LoLinsburw Uolonial Willianisl/urg Foundation, Willanishurg, X'irginia

Susan H. Mvers, National Museum of Aineriean History, Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D.C.

]. Carrison Stradlins;, New York, New )ork

Carolyn [. Weekley, Colonial W'illiamsl'urg Foundation. W'illamshurg, Virginia

MANAGING EDITOR: Gary J. Albert

SUBSCRIPTIONS TO THE JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

Receive the foiirnal of harly Southeru Decorative .{rts, published in summer and winter h\ the Museum ot Karly Southern Deeorative Arts (MHSOA).

Subseriptioiis hir indi\ idtials and libraries are sis.oo (overseas members please add sio.oo for postage), bor tin ther inkirmation about ioiiiing hriends ot MESDA and the Colleetions and benetits ot membership, please wrue the Coordin.uor ot Membership Services, MHSl~)A, P.O. Box 10310, Winston-Salem, NC' 2-108.

nvvr: H.ioki.lsL- .111 v.ibiiKl .ittributcJ to S.inii.son 1 )iui;iud, w.ilnut with tulip popl.ir; I \iijilnirt;. \irginia. 1S20-30. Hiw 80"; wciA 41^ W lS^«". \IKI s-ia.,22 I ,nirl,;v„t Dm.',,:,! hi,mijl S:;ru,: / yml'hi.rg. \„j;im.:

THE JOURNAL

OF EARLY SOUTHERN

DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 2004 VOLUME XXX, NUMBER 2

l\\c Joimuil of E,vly Southern Dccomtn-c Am is published m-ice

J year by the Museum ot Early Southern Decorative Arts (MESDA).

It presents research on decorative arts made in the South prior to 1820,

with an emphasis on object studies in a material culture context.

Potential contributors are encouraged to contact the Managing Editor tor guidelines concerning subject matter and manuscript preparation.

Some photography and image reproductions are made possible bv the John Bivms Memorial Endo

All correspondence concerning the Journal should be sent to the

Managing ^d'\Mz, Journal of Early Snutheru Decorative Arts. MESDA,

P.O. Box louo. Winston-Salem. NC 27108. Correspondence concerning

subscriptions, including renewals and address changes, should be

directed to the Coordinator of Membership Services, MESDA.

no. Box 10310. Winston-Salem. NC 27108.

Articles trom the Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts are abstracted in the Bibliography ot the History ot Art and America: Histon.' and Lite.

cles trom thi^ Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts are included in electn torm through EBSCO Publishing products (wrww.EBSCO.com).

The paper used for this publication meets the minimum American

National Standard tor information Sciences — Permanence ot Paper tor

Printed Librar>' Materials, ANSI 239.48-1984.0^"" ^nd contains 20%

post-consumer fiber.

Some back issues ot the [ournal dvc available.

ISSN 0098-9266

Copyright © 2006 by Old Salem Inc.

Designed and t^-^peset in Adobe Garamond bv

Kachergis Book Design, Pitrsboro, North Carolma

Printed in the United States of America

Contents

J. CHRISTIAN KOLBE

The Account Book ot Sampson Diuguid, Lynchbui'g, Virginia. Cabinetmaker

JOHN CROSS, PH.D

The Transference oi Skills and Styles

from the American to Jamaican Fiirnituie

Trade During the Eighteenth Centur\- 49

Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive

in 2010 witii funding from

University of Nortii Carolina at Chapel Hill

http://www.archive.org/details/journalofearlyso3022004muse

The Account Book of Sampson Diuguid, Lynchburg, Virginia, Cabinetmaker

J. CHRISTIAN KOLBE

INTRODUCTION

Lynchburg,Virginia, cabinetmaker Sampson Diuguid (1795-1856) was born in Buckingham Count)', Virginia. He was the son ot George Diuguid and his wife Nancy Sampson.' UnHke most cabinetmakers, his business records have survived. This study analyzes an account book, which is now known to be "LD," or Ledger D.- Ledger D is found in the second part of a volume titled "Burial Book i, 1820- 1845."^ While the earliest entry is 1821 and the latest entry is 1837, this volume basically covers the years 1824-1832. Ledger D is also on mi- crofilm at the Jones Memorial Library in Lynchburg.^ Other furniture volumes have recently come to light. ^ As these volumes become acces- sible, analysis of their contents will provide further knowledge of the cabinetmaking business of Sampson Diuguid. All account books of Sampson Diuguid are the property of Diuguid Funeral Services and are on permanent loan with the Old City Cemetery in Lynchburg.

The focus of this article is an analysis of Ledger D to better un- derstand the cabinetmaking trade in the interior of Virginia during the 1820S and 1830s. The analysis consists of sorting the information found in the account book by furniture form, by materials purchased or sold (upholstery material, hardware, wood), and payment for work performed.

FIGURE I. Detail of map ot Virginia with Lvnchbure identified.

T3YLVANIA

HALIf*X

A BRIEF HISTORY OF LYNCHBURG, VIRGINIA

In order to put the account book in context, it is necessary to understand the history ot Lynchburg (figure i), from its beginning through the first tour decades of the nineteenth century; and the cabi- netmaking tradition in Lynchburg prior to Diuguid beginning work, and his partnership with Alanson Winston. Charles and Sarah Clark Lynch came to the present-day Lynchburg area in the mid-eighteenth century.'' In 17S7, Lynch's Ferry was estabHshed on the James River. John Lynch, son of Charles and Sarah, built a tayern at the ferry. The expansion of tobacco culture furthered the development of Lynch's Ferry. Hogsheads of tobacco were rolled to the ferry where they were then put on a canoe or bateau and taken down the James River to the tobacco inspection stations below the falls at Richmond. In 1785 lohn Lynch was authorized to establish a tobacco inspection station. He also established a mill in the area. In 1786 a town was established on the land ot John Lynch, which was next to Lynchs Ferry. **

During the years 1800-09, the tobacco industry in Lynchburg went beyond the inspection ot tobacco to include tobacco auctions and the manufacture of chewing tobacco.' The years 1800-19 were a period of

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

growth and the town expanded its boundaries in 1814 and 1819.'" The economic problems of the Panic of 1819 hit Lynchburg particularly hard." Thomas Jefferson, in his letter of 9 August 1819 to Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., wrote, "nothing can exceed the desolation which the Lynchburg banks have produced on this country."'' Lynchburg's economic situation began to improve by the 1820s. While tobacco continued to be the main business, Lynchburg had become a cen- ter of trade for the surrounding countryside." The period 1830-39 started with a little progress, but activity increased and by 1840 the James River and Kanawha canal reached Lynchburg .The canal was a major mode of transportation from Richmond to the interior of Vir- ginia.''* Sampson Diuguid's account book Ledger D covers the years 1821-1837, when Lynchburg was beginning to recover from the finan- cial woes of the Panic of 1819.

THE EARLY-NINETEENTH-CENTURY FURNITURE OF LYNCHBURG, VIRGINIA

The cabinetmaking trade in Lynchburg began with the influx of cabinetmakers from eastern cities. These cabinetmakers included Thomas Crandall from Richmond, Chester Sully from Norfolk, and Robert Patterson from Charleston, South Carolina.''' There were other cabinetmakers who fit this pattern: John Hockaday from the Williams- burg area, '" Allanson Winston from Connecticut,' and James Frazier from Fredericksburg.'" Also Fleming Moseley, a Lynchburg turner, was apprenticed in Richmond.'" In the 5 April 1819 issue of the Lynch- burg Press, James Frazier advertised he had procured "cabinet work- man" from Philadelphia and Baltimore.''^ These cabinetmakers were drawn to Lynchburg because it was a new inland market and to escape the competition of cheaper furniture from the North that was being imported to coastal areas of the South. Earlier, black walnut, cherry, and other hard woods had been the woods of choice. After 1810 there is increase in the use of mahogany and veneers in Lynchburg furni- ture.-' It should be noted that other hardwoods were still used, as can

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

be seen in a tallcase clock of walnut fitted with works attributed to Williams & Victor of Lynchburg (figure 2). Another tall- case clock with works by Williams & Victor is pictured as fig. 173.2 in Southern Furniture, 1680-18^0: Tlje Colonial Williams- burg Collection.-- In the 18 March 1819 issue of the Lynchburg Press, cabinetmaker John Hockaday advertised both mahoga- ny and walnut furniture to be sold at auction.-'' For the years 1800-25, furniture from towns in the interior of Virginia shows an understanding of current styles; however, the furniture from the interior was not as academic as that produced in the larg- er coastal cities of- the South. -^ These traits are exemplified by Lynchburg furniture found in three Virginia institutions and hirniture owned privately.

Colonial Williamsburg has two examples of early-nineteenth- centurv' Lynchburg furniture. A secretar}' and bookcase signed by Charles C. Parks is pictured as fig. 145 in Southern Furni- ture, 1680-18^0: Tide Colonial Williamsburg Collection^ Also in the Colonial Williamsburg collection is a circa 1810-20 mahog- any and mahogany veneer pedestal sideboard with a Lynchburg provenance. The sideboard is signed Jonathan Moss.-''

Point of Honor, a Federal house museum in Lynchburg, holds two pieces ot locally made, early-nineteenth-century fur- niture. In the dining room is a mahogany sideboard made by Thomas Crandall (figure ^). The inscription on the bottom of a drawer reads "Thomas Crandall/Maker of this work/Lynchburg 1813" (figure ^a). The doors of this sideboard have Gothic arches and there is reeding above the front legs. There is also reeding on either side of the top drawers of the pediment section of the sideboard. The parlor at Point of Honor contains a circa 1815

FIGURE 2. Tallcase clock by Williams & Victor (works; case by unknown cabinetmaker); walnut with tulip poplar and yellow pine; Lynchburg, Virginia, c. 1820. hoa 96"; woa 19% "; doa ioVs". MRf 5-7y/, prifate collection.

lOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

FIGURES 3 & 3a. Sideboard by Thomas Crandall; mahogany and mahogany veneer with tu- plip poplar and yellow pine; Lynchburg Virginia, 1813. hoa 49'^"; WOA 78'/2"; DOA 23". MRFS-i04iS. Courtesy oftheLvnchburg Mtisemn Systf?» and Point of Honor, Inc.

FIGURE 4. Table; ma- hogany with tulip pop- lar; Lynchburg, Virginia, 1815-1825. HOA 28%"; WOA (open) 45'/i"; doa 40 ". MRf S-i04lQ. Courtesy of the Ly>Hl)hi<rgMHieHm Systa/i and Poifit oj Honor, hu.

mahogany pedestal Pembroke table with scalloped drop leaves and a drawer at one end (figure 4). On the bottom oi the drawer is a badly deteriorated label with the word "Lynchburg" barely visible. Below the skirt and on each corner is a button-like finial. The table has four reeded saber legs. The legs end in st)'lized reeded lion's paw feet cov- ered in brass on castors. Pedestal tables with saber legs were often re- ferred to as "pillar and claw." Both the sideboard and Pembroke table, although somewhat conservative, show that in the hrst rwo decades of the nineteenth century Lynchburg was aware of the current classical style in furniture.

Also belonging to the Lynchburg Museum System is a circa 1840s wardrobe that is attributed to Sampson Diuguid (figure ^). This ward- robe was owned by Sampson Diuguid and descended in the family.-

At the Virginia Historical Society is a desk also inscribed "Thomas Crandall" and the year "1813." The desk is pictured as catalog no. 14 in the exhibition catalog Piediuoiit Virgi>iia Fur>iitttre.-^ The desk is mahogany and mahogany veneer, with yellow pine secondary wood.

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOITTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

\X' INTER 2004

FIGURE 5. Wardrobe attributed to Sampson Diuguid; mahogany and mahogany veneer; Lynchburg, Virginia, 1830-40. hoa 87-1/4"; woa 63'/4"; D OA 27% ". MRJ- S-H1420. Courtesy of the Lynchburg Museum System and Point of Honor, Inc.

FIGURE 6. Bookcase on cabinet attributed to Sampson Diu- guid; walnut with tulip poplar; Lynchburg, Virginia, 1820-30.

HOA 80"; WOA 41%"; DOA l8y8". .U«/ .S-,'O^JJ. CoHrh'iyofDiugmd

The lower portion has three cock- beaded drawers flanked by reeded stiles that end in turned feet. The reeding on the stiles is reminiscent of the reeding on the Crandall side- board at Point of Honor (figure j). On either side of the top drawer are supports for the hinged writing sur- face. The upper portion of the desk consists of the writing surface and a three-door storage area. Reeding surrounds each door.

Lynchburg furniture in private hands, as the furniture in the insti- tutions mentioned above, shows an appreciation ot the current styles but with a conservative manner in its ex- ecution. The appearance of the fur- niture shows a transition from passe to more updated styles. The author wishes to thank Sandra Crowther and Chip Pottage, antique dealers in southern Virginia, for their direc- tion and help with locating the fol- lowing furniture in private hands.

Three pieces of early-nineteenth- centur)' furniture in private hands have a Lynchburg provenance. The first piece is a mahogany press at- tributed to Sampson Diuguid and held bv Diuguid Funeral Servic- es (figure 6)r' The press, which is all one piece, has a scalloped skirt and simple French feet. The bottom

lOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

■WINTER 1004

doors have flat panels and the upper glass doors have a thirteen-pane design. A simple cove cornice sits atop the bookcase. The construction of the back is a center vertical board flanked by two panels.

A second Lynchburg piece is a labeled secretan,' bookcase of ma- hogany and mahogany veneer with tulip poplar and pine secondary woods (figure y). On top of the drawer in the central "pigeon hole" of the secretary drawer is the label of the Lynchburg cabinetmaking firm of Hockaday & Parks (figure ja). Because the firm advertised in the newspaper in 1817 and Parks' name disappeared from the personal property tax after 1819, this piece would have been made no later than 1820.'° The piece's label may have always been open to public view or a small drawer may have covered it. On either side ol the central section of the secretary drawer are four pigeon holes above which are long drawers, which in turn have long drawers on top of them. The glass bookcase doors have a thirteen-pane design and the back of the bookcase has a center vertical board flanked by two panels. Both of these features are also found on the Diuguid press (figure 6). On top of the bookcase is a small broken-arch pediment with center and cor- ner finials. The broken-arch pediment is almost a diminutive version of one found on the splashboard of a sideboard seen as fig. 2 in the catalog The Green Family of Cabinetmakers: An Alexandria Institution, 1817-1887.-^

The third piece of Lynchburg furniture in private hands is a sec- retary bookcase labeled Winston & Diuguid (figures 8 and 8a). In August of 1818, Winston & Diuguid advertised in the newspaper.^- The firm was sued in a chancery case that was dismissed in 1821.^' It is essential in dating this secretary bookcase to know that Sampson Diuguid maintained a set of books for his individual cabinetmaking business called "Burial Books," and Burial Book No. i covers the peri- od 1820-45. Thus the secretary bookcase dates from 1818-20. Primary woods for this piece are mahogany and mahogany veneer, with sec- ondary woods being tulip poplar and yellow pine. The sides are dou- ble paneled. The turned feet are replacements but accurately reflect the originals. The glass doors of the bookcase have the thirteen-pane de-

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

\V:»ir-

> -1

Ml- 111-

I i'ui>i,-.ir.n..-

?2 Si'i

|:|

h

1

--

FIGURES 7 & 7a. Secretary bookcase by Hock- aday & Parks; mahogany and mahogany veneer with tulip poplar and yellow pine; Lynchburg, Virginia, 1810-20. hoa \o\Vi"\ woa 44 V4"; DOA IlVs". MRF s-i042i private collectiiiii.

Caljinot '•^';^^e Room.

I

.Ihl. AJ.VDS OK CABINET AND UPIIOlSx^RER's

W A 11 E,

'■^ .di- and f^nld m, r/

l!v WINS 'ON di- mt OUM),

'.jnt'iftur;;. ' ■

FIGURES 8 & 8a. Secretary bookcase by Winston & Diuguid; mahogany and mahog- any veneer with tuMp poplar and yellow pine; Lynchburg, Virginia, 1810-20. mrf S-W421,

prnwtf lollcittiiii.

sign found on the Diuguid press (figure 6) and the Hockaday & Parks secretary bookcase (figure /). The exterior drawers have bookmatched veneers and the secretary drawer also has a band of veneer along the edge. The interior oi the secretary drawer is in its arrangement identi- cal to that of the Hockaday & Parks secretary bookcase except in the center section where the drawer is above the center pigeon hole.

NEW YORK STYLE IN EA RLY- N I N ETE ENTH-CE NTU RY LYNCHBURG FURNITURE

The previously described Lynchburg furniture in institutions and private hands is conservative and yet it shows an acknowledgment of the current styles. It is likely that the furniture listed in Diuguid's account book was similar in appearance. Further documentation of Lynchburg cabinetmakers' awareness of New York as the style center for furniture is found in the following newspaper and archival sources: In 1819, James Frazier's newspaper notice stated he had received bed- posts in the latest fashion from New York.'' The importation of fur- niture parts was a practice also employed by Richmond cabinetmaker Willis Cowling, who knew Duiguid.'^ Winston & Duiguids letter of 27 October 1818 further documents the New York connection:"'

Lynchburg Oct 27th 1818

Dear sir we here with endorse you thirr\' dollors and the Capts. Receipt who has our wood-he has one box more than is mentioned in the receipt-It was probably a mistake in Mr. Meeks sending us the bill of lading-you will please to attend to its being put on boord the boats & see that it is handle with care

}burs Winston cr Diuguid You will please send r\vo gallons of good co [ c] ell varnish.

The term "bill of lading" indicates the box of wood was probably brought into Virginia from out of state. This fact, combined with the sender being a "Mr. Meeks," very likely indicates that the wood was shipped from New York by Joseph Meeks. Meeks was involved in the

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS VC I N T E R IOO4

coastal trade as early as 1798. Customs records for Savannah show that in 1818 Meeks shipped ten box loads of furniture to that city. In 1820 Meeks opened up a furniture warehouse in New Orleans.' Wood shipped in a box would suggest sawn boards or veneers. Further evi- dence of New York connections with Winston & Diuguid is found in John Dolan's letter of 9 May 1825 to Richmond cabinetmaker Willis Cowling. Dolan, a former NewYork cabinetmaker turned hardware merchant," wrote the following:

Mr. C[owling] will further oblige me by ascertaining how my demand against Winston & Diuguid of Lynchburgh [sic] stands at present I sent the acct above 2 years since to J.D. Urquhart Esqr. for Collection it is upwards of a year since he informed me that he got a judgment against them & ex- pected to place the Nt proceeds to my Cr. In the Bank subject to my Dft. since then I have not heard from him. I would be willing to make some sac- rifice to have the business settled.'''

Further evidence that Lynchburg cabinetmakers were cognizant of New York styles is found in an entry for 27 May 1825 in Diuguid's ac- count book. This entry is for a trip to New York that cost $972.84. Such a substantial sum would tend to indicate that this was a busi- ness trip and that the cost may indicate the purchase of items such as wood, veneers, and hardware.^"

Diuguid's partner, Connecticut-born cabinetmaker Alanson Win- ston^', first advertised his business in the Lynchburg newspapers in 1816.^" From a newspaper notice of August of 1818 it is first known that Winston and Diuguid had become business partners.^' The notice states that they will sell a large quantit}' of mahogany furniture at their wareroom. Most of the furniture forms listed in the advertisement are also found in Diuguid's account book. The use of the term "Ware Room ' raises the question if all the furniture was made by Winston & Diuguid or whether they were retailing furniture made by others. For more information on cabinetmakers and southern warehousing the reader should see Forsyth Alexander's article in t\\Q Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts.^"* In this 1818 notice, Winston & Diuguid also sought two or three apprentices for hire. In December of 1818, Win-

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

ston & Diuguid advertised again tor the sale oi furniture.''' In this second notice they st)'led themselves as cabinetmakers, upholsterers, and undertakers. The advertisement states that their furniture is made of materials "selected in New York, by one of the first judges." The reference to New York is an obvious attempt to connect Winston & Diuguid to the furniture style center of the country at that time. The notice goes on to describe the furniture as made of the best materials, which probably means mahogany since that was the wood of choice during this period. The other statement in the notice, "they have like- wise have an assortment of cabinetmakers materials for sale," would indicate that Winston & Diuguid were also attempting to operate as merchants who would supply materials to cabinetmakers in L\'nch- burg and the surrounding counties. About this same time Richmond cabinetmaker Willis Cowling had expanded his business in a similar fashion.^'' James Frazier's newspaper notice ot 1819 also informs other cabinetmakers that he could hirnish them with mahogany'

An 1821 Lynchburg chancery case, st}'led Tiiis/ey Rucker i>s. Wi/istoii & Diuguid, provides information about the furniture forms made and prices charged by the cabinetmaking partnership.^^' It is important to note that this chancer}' suit is the only written record to state that Ai- anson Winston was the Winston of Winston & Diuguid. The ques- tion arises because there was also a Benjamin A. Winston working as a cabinetmaker in Lynchburg at the time.'" From 19 December 1818 to 26 January 1819 Tinsley Rucker of Amherst County purchased the following items of Winston & Diuguid:

I curtained bedstead $20.00 [$14.00]

1 French bedstead $10.00 [$5.oo-$7.oo]

2 French bedsteads $20.00

I trundle bedstead $5.00 [$1.50-55. 00]

I crib $10.00 [$5.oo-$i2.oo]

I secretars' G[lass] nobs extra $64.00

[$30.00-$50.00]

I sideboard & china press $150.00

[$I20.00-$I50.00]

IOURN.-\L OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

I sett of- tables S5vOO [s24.00-s50.00] I tea table s6.oo [s5.00-s15.00] I dressing table S4.00 [si. 25-54.00] idressing table S4.00 I washstand s6.oo [s2.00-s8.00]

From this list it is clear that customers had a choice of both the more traditional curtained bedstead and French bedsteads, which would have been in the newly fashionable classical mode. The set of tables at $55.00 was probably a set of dining tables, which would have been placed together when a large eating surface was required.^" The sideboard and china press at S150.00 is the same furniture form that Winston & Diuguid advertised in the 14 August 1818 issue of the Lyiichbiirg Press.''' A sideboard and china press also appears in Diu- guid's account book. This furniture form consisted of a china press on top of a sideboard with an open space between the top of the side- board and the bottom of the press. There are two of these pieces at Prestwould plantation in Mecklenburg County, Virginia. Sideboards and china presses were also found in the following Halifix Count)', Virginia, homes: Berry Hill, Banister Lodge, and Clarkton.'-

Matching the turniture forms and prices mentioned in the 1821 chancery suit against Winston & Diuguid with the same correspond- ing forms and price ranges in Diuguid's account book (see figures in brackets above) shows a definite similarit}' in the price structure. The chancer)' suit also contains depositions of two craftsmen working in the shop of Winston & Diuguid. William Rigdons deposition dated 20 September 1820 reveals that he had been the shop foreman for two years. The other deposition was by William G. Bagby This is prob- ably the same William Bagby who mortgaged his personal propert)' in 1824 because he was indebted to Diuguid and others. Among the listed mortgaged items were "one chest and tools consisting of plains, saws, etc.""''

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

ANALYSIS OF LEDGER D

Because Sampson Diuguid's account begins in 1822, his partnership with Winston must have ended at least by that time. It is important to note that no account books of other contemporary Lynchburg cabi- netmakers are known to survive.

Goods

The total amount of revenue in Ledger D for goods and services has been analyzed. Goods include the following categories: i) all furniture produced, 2) other woodworking items, mattresses, and upholstery work, and 3) coffins and funerals. Services are interpreted to mean re- pairs. The total amount of revenue for goods and services for 1821-37 came to $17,676.87. Breaking down the total into the following spe- cific categories with corresponding figures and percentages provides further information on Diuguid's shop:

Furniture: $14,465.56, or 81.8 percent Coffins ($443.25) and Funerals

($1,245.00) = $1688.25, or 9.6 percent Repairs: $761.55, or 4.3 percent Other Woodworking Items: $453.47, or

2.6 percent Mattresses ($273.06) and Upholstery

($35.00) = $308.06, or 1.7 percent

These figures indicate that the majorit)' of the revenue found in Ledger D for the years 1822-37 was from the production of furniture.

Further analysis was done by charting the nine furniture forms pur- chased most for the years 1824-36: i) bedsteads, 2) tables ($5.00 and above), 3) bureaus, 4) presses, 5) candlestands, 6) desks (includes writ- ing tables), 7) sideboards, 8) tea tables, and 9) washstands. Appendix A shows how many of each of the nine furniture forms were produced per year. The chart teveals that bedsteads, tables, and bureaus were the main furniture form produced. The chart also shows a decline in sales after 1829, which may be due to a stagnant economy in the first part

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

of the 18305."'^ Future analysis of Diuguid's other account books may help to explain the decline of sales after 1829 found in Ledger D.

Clients

The federal census indices for 1820 and 1830, marriage and death no- tices from the Lynchburg newspapers for 1794-1836, and the personal property taxes were used to identify the geographic area of Diuguid's clients. The geographic breakdown of identifiable clients is as follows: Lynchburg, 163; Campbell Count)', 56; Bedford County, 37; Amherst Count}', 11; Franklin, Buckingham, and Pittsylvania counties, 3 each; Alleghany and Halifax counties, 2 each; Nelson, Charlotte, Patrick, and Prince Edward counties, i each; Monroe and Greenbrier counties (West Virginia), i each.

It is not possible to do a true quantifiable analysis of the economic status of Diuguid's customers because the records do not provide a complete record of wealth. The two tax records for antebellum Vir- ginia were the land tax and the personal propert}' tax. The latter listed the number of taxable slaves an individual owned. At this time neither of these taxes record money lent out, cash in hand, value of goods in a store, money in banks, or stocks held. While the previously men- tioned forms of wealth pertained to anyone in antebellum Virginia, this was particularly true of the inhabitants of cities who did not need to have large tracts of land or large slave holdings. While a better pic- ture of personal wealth is seen in the appraisal or estate account of a deceased person's estate, these records do not always show total per- sonal wealth. Not everyone had an appraisal or estate account. The appraisal of the estate of one of Diuguid's customers thirty years after an entry in the account book does not give a picture of the customer's economic status at the time of his transaction with Diuguid. Hav- ing made the above disclaimer, the following specific examples give a rough overview of the various levels of customers who patronized Diuguid's shop. The examples have been grouped into three levels: wealthy, moderately well-off, and moderate to less successful.

The top level of Diuguid's customers is exemplified by John B. Ca-

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

bell of Campbell County, James C. Steptoe of Bedford County, and John Marshall Warwick of Lynchburg. The land tax of 1830 records John B. Cabell as owning 2,411 acres. ^'' The 1830 census records Cabell owning forty-five slaves.^*' Historically, the ownership oi twenty slaves was the criteria for being considered part of the planter class. Cabell was definitely part of the elite planter class. James C. Steptoe was clerk of Bedford County when he died in 1827. His father James Steptoe had held the position of clerk previously.^' The 1827 land tax shows James C. Steptoe owning 2,788 acres in Bedford County."'* On the 1827 per- sonal property Steptoe was listed with forty slaves above twelve years of age."' (In 1827 there was no taxable categoty for slaves above six- teen years of age.) John Marshall Warwick was a merchant in Lynch- burg.^'" In 1826 Warwick built a new house. The house was insured for $8,000.00 and the outbuildings were insured for $11,50.00''' The 1827 land tax for Lynchburg lists Warwick with eight lots with buildings val- ued at $21,717.00 and one lot without a building valued at $1,000.00."- All three men were part of the elite white power structure.

The following examples are of clients of Diuguid who were mod- erately well-ofl planters. Milner Cox of Amherst died in 1828."' From the 1829 Amherst land tax records. Cox's estate was listed with two tracts of land; one for 256 acres and another for forty acres." His per- sonal estate was appraised at $8,179.46, of which twenty-one slaves accounted for $7,300.25.'^'" In 1835, the personal estate of George C. Wheeler of Campbell County was appraised at $7,333.25, of which fifteen slaves accounted for $5,825.00. A division of Wheelers estate shows he owned 397 acres. '^'"

Diuguid also had customers who were artisans or laborers. Examples of customers from this group are: Zachariah Cockran, wheelwright;" James Frerwell, boot and shoemaker;"" Ambrose Page, tailor;"' Lind- sey Shoemaker, joiner and house carpenter; " Claiborne Glademan, a free black barber;"' and Billy Calls, a free black laborer. - On the 1830 personal property tax for Lynchburg, James Frerwell was taxed for one slave above twelve years and two slaves above sixteen years. " Lindsey Shoemaker was taxed for one slave above twelve vears and one slave

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER 2.OO4

above sixteen years. "^ Cockran, Page, Glademan, and Calls owned no taxable slaves in 1830. On the 1830 land tax for Lynchburg, Glademan was taxed on a lot and building valued at $650.00. ' Page was taxed on a lot and building valued at$i,030.oo. ^' Shoemaker was taxed on a lot with building valued at $1,050.00. He was also taxed on two lots with no buildings. Each lot was valued at $700.00. Cochran and Fretwell owned no real estate. Billy Calls appears on the 1828 personal property tax as being taxed tor nvo horses, but never appears again on tax records. Billy is most likely the William Calls who in 1829 mort- gaged two horses, a dray or cart, and other personal propert}'. '^ The last entry for Calls in Diuguid s account book says, "gone to Liberia." Calls, as with some other free blacks in Virginia, had decided to be transported to Liberia by the American Colonization Societ)'. It is in- teresting to note that Diuguid's dealing with tree blacks did not seem to keep white customers from frequenting his shop. While the per- sonal property and land taxes do not show total wealth, the individu- als mentioned above probably did not have the wealth of the previous two groups.

From looking at these three groups it seems that Diuguid would sell to any one who had the cash to purchase goods or services. This makes logical sense because Diuguid, like other southern cabinetmak- ers, was faced with local and northern competition. Also, the econo- my of Lynchburg during the 1820s and 1830s had periods ol stagna- tion. Diuguid was going to make a dollar wherever it could be made.

Furniture Forms and Cabinetmaking Materials Bought and Sold

Diuguid's account book was also analyzed to identify the following information: furniture lorms and cabinetmaking materials bought and sold. In studying the account book for a specific furniture lorm, the following information was abstracted: patron's name; description (i.e., rype of wood, etc.) il any; date ot entry in the account book; and cost. Studying the account book this way allows one to see, for exam- ple, how many bureaus Diuguid sold, tor what price, and to whom.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

The sorting process was also done for other work performed: repairs; coffins; funerals; mattresses; upholstering; and miscellaneous items such as brick moulds or newel posts.

Analysis of the account book shows that Diuguid produced the following furniture forms: bedsteads; bookcases; buffets; bureaus; bu- reaus and bookcases; candlestands; chairs; chests; clock cases; coat- stands; cots; clothes presses; cradles; cribs; desks; knife boxes; light stands; liquor cases; looking glasses; paper cases; picture frames; pistol cases; presses; sideboards; sugar and coffee cases; tables (dining); card tables; dressing/toilet tables; ironing tables; kitchen tables; school ta- bles; tea tables; work tables; trunks; washstands; and wardrobes. Hav- ing established the various furniture forms that Diuguid made, it is helpful to elaborate on the information for some of these forms.

Bedsteads, Cots, and Matresses. There were 341 entries that used the term bedstead without any further description. The following entry for customer Wm. W. Dickerson is a t\'pical Diuguid reference for a bedstead: "i July 1826 i Bedstead 5.00." While the average cost was $4.00 to $5.00, there were entries for $25.00 and $36.00. The three entries that had a wood description were for a maple bedstead for $12.00 and two mahogany bedsteads, both of which were for $25.00. Lynchburg cabinetmaker John Hockaday advertised both mahogany and maple bedsteads in 1819. '' The account book of New York cabinetmaker John Hewitt also records the sale of maple bedsteads.^" There were forty-one entries for trunnel bedsteads at an average cost of $3.00 to $4.00. The account book shows eight entries for French bedsteads for a cost of $5.00 to $8.00. These French bedsteads would have been in the most fashionable classical taste of the time. There were two entries for curtained bedsteads, both priced at $14.00. This t}'pe of bedstead would be a tall-post bedstead with a cornice to which bed curtains were attached. While there was no entry for a bedstead with carved posts, there was one entry for a bedstead with reeded posts for $35.00. There were two entries for single bedsteads. Because a single bedstead would take up a small amount of space, this form

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS -WINTER IOO4

may have been used tor a child or servant. The one reference to a "bar room" bed may refer to a bed that folded up when not in use so as to provide more space. '^'

An entr)' for the sale of one old mahogany bedstead at s?5.oo in- dicates that Diuguid was also selling used furniture. There are entries for Diuguid accepting furniture in payment of clients' accounts. The entries for Fleming Mosley and James Diuguid purchasing bedsteads from Sampson Diuguid are somewhat puzzling. Mosley was a turn- er and James Diuguid was Sampsons brother. Both men worked for Sampson Diuguid. Moseleys entry has the name J. Patteson in paren- thesis and James Diuguid's entr\' has the remark "for Cook." It is not clear why men who worked for Sampson Diuguid were purchasing bedsteads for other people.

Two other types of entries related to bedsteads are cots and mattress- es. The account book of John Hewitt, the New York cabinetmaker, has entries for the sale of single and double cots." An 1818 revised price list for New York cabinetmakers has a listing for cot bedsteads.^' The 18 n price book for District of Columbia cabinetmakers lists the cost to be paid journeyman for making a cot.^^^ Both the New York and District of Columbia price lists tor journeyman indicate the cot was the cheap- est form of sleeping furniture. Diuguid's account book has three en- tries for cots and twenty five entries for mattresses. Materials used for the inside of the mattresses were hair, hay, and moss.

Bureaus. Most entries for bureaus read simply as that and give no further description. The entry for customer Henry Porter is a typical Di- uguid entr)' tor a bureau: "1826 Augt 12th To i Bureau 25.00." The only entr)' describing wood is for a "small poplar Buro & Boards for Case." There was one entry for a circular bureau, which probably indicates a bureau with a bow front. An example of a "bow front" from Alexandria, Virginia, is shown in figure 9. An entry in 1827 for a "collum bureau" refers to a bureau in the classical mode with quarter or fi.ill columns (see figure 10). This t)'pe ot bureau would have either turned feet or lion's paw feet in the front and board feet cut on a diagonal in the back. It is

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

FIGURE 9, Chest of drawers by John Muir; mahogany and mahogany veneer with white pine; Alexandria, Virginia, c. 1805. hoa 39->h '; woa 40'4"; doa 18 '■! ". MR/ S-6411. prif.itc culLxtiun.

FIGURE 10. Chest ot drawers; mahogany; Wilmington, North Carohna,

1825-35. HOA 47'4"; WOA 47''4"; DOA lav's," . MRF S-122U, pmwte colUitnin.

FIGURE II. Chest of drawers; walnut with tuUp poplar and yellow phie; piedmont Virgin- ia, 1810-20. HOA 465/8";

WOA 46"; DOA 21% ". MRF ,s- -fi { -, priv.itc collettiiiii.

probable that the single reference to a bureau with columns means that the entries that just read "bureau" indicate a plain-front chest of draw- ers, an example of which is shown \n figure 11. The 1831 price book tor cabinetmakers in the District of Columbia has a listing for a plain bu- reau.^'^ Conservative taste or economic hard times might have caused preferences for plain-front bureaus. CUssiail No)fo/k Furniture, 1810- 1840 shows as fig. 6-87 a Lynchburg bureau with columns. It is inter- esting to note that the columns are identical to ones found on bureaus

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

recorded in Virginia counties not par- ticularly close to Lynchburg. It has been suggested that the columns may have been ready-made furniture parts from the North. *" This practice was employed by a Duiguid acquaintance, Richmond cabinetmaker Willis Cowl- ling.'^ An entry for the sale of an old bureau again documents the sale of used furniture.

There are four entries for bureaus that had a case on top. There were en- tries with the following descriptions: a bureau and bookcase and an other description of a bureau and case. A bureau and bookcase is pictured in figure 12. The other two entries are for a cherry press bureau and a press and bureau.

Clock cases. Diuguid's account book has two entries for clock cases, one in 1828 for $15.00 and one in 1829 for a mahogany clock case priced at $25.00. The fairly expensive price would suggest a tallcase clock. The account book has three entries for putting a glass in a clock, one entry

FIGURE 12. Chest ot drawers with book- case; Norfoilc, Virginia, or Wilmington, North Carolina, 1820—30. Courtesy of Geor^f C. 1 1 'illiams AmericDi Antiqitci/EstJte Aiititjiies, Ch.irleston, South Carolina.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

for repairing a clock case, and one entr}' for varnishing a clock case. Two of the entries for clock repair are found in the account of Lynchburg silversmith, John T. Hunt.^'* John T. Hunt is most likely the John Hunt who was apprenticed to silversmiths Williams and Victor in i8i6.^'' These are the same silversmiths that have been attributed to making the works for the clock shown in figiiye 2 and the clock owned by Colonial Williamsburg with Williams & Victor's name on the clock face.'"' Williams & Victors account in Diuguid's ledger book has no entries for clock cases.

Desks. Diuguid sold a variet)' of furniture for writing. Two entries were listed as a desk and one entn,' was tor an old desk valued at $12.00 There were eight entries tor a secretary, which refers to a case piece with a top secretary drawer (i.e., a drawer with a front that pulls down providing a writing surface and behind which are compartments to hold papers or valuables; below the secretary drawer the arrangement may consist of drawers or doors). Figure /j illustrates a piece of furniture that has two doors

FIGURE 13. Secretary bookcase; mahogany and mahogany veneer with tulip poplar and white pine; Baltimore, Mar\'land, 1800-24. MRf s-9662. private- lollatiou.

x6

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

■WINTER 1004

FIGURE 14. Sec- retary; mahogany and mahogany veneer with tulip poplar and yellow pine; northern Virginia, 1810-20. HOA 56%"; WOA 57'/8"; DOA 22". MRF S-irS, prnuUe collection.

below the secretary drawer. A bureau with a secretary drawer above three drawers can be seen in figure 14. There were four entries for a secretary bookcase. An example of a secretary bookcase can be seen in figure 75. The two entries for a "counting room" desk probably refer to a desk on frame. Other furniture forms for writing were eight entries for a writing desk and one entry for a writing table. An example of a writing table form can be seen in fig. loi oi Furniture in Maryland 1740-1940^^^ The one entry for a "portable desk" may refer to a lap desk. Baltimore

ACCOliNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

cabinetmaker Edward Priestley used the term "portable desk" to refer to a small writing desk on frame. This lorm is illustrated as fig. 15 in Alexandra Kirtley's article on Priestly in the 2000 issue o( American Furniture!^' The two entries for a music desk probably are tor kirniture that held sheet music and on which a musician could rest an instrument. The stand in figure 16 shows a variation that housed sheet music and had a lift-up component on which sheet music could rest when the musician was playing, /v^r/r? //depicts a simple music shelf

Bookcases and Bookpresses. Items used for the storage of books were a bookcase placed on top of a desk or secretary; however, as previously mentioned, there were entries for a bureau and bookcase and a bureau and case. Of the eleven entries for bookcases, only two had specified woods. One was made ol walnut and the other was made of maple. Books could also be housed in a free standing form called a book press. Of the four

II CURE 15. Desk and bookcase; mahog- .iny and bird's eye maple with tulip pop- lar; Richmond, Virginia, 1830. hoa 49 V2";

WOA 47''2"; DO A 22%". MRF S--661. pniuite collation.

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

FIGURE i6. Music stand; mahogany and yellow pine; Savannah, Georgia, 1810-20; hoa 50 "; woa 18 "; doa 16V2". mesdaAcc. 24 JS-

FIGURE 17. Music stand; mahogany and ma- hogany veneer with tulip poplar and yellow pine; central Virginia, 1810-20; hoa 55'/2 "; woa Z0V2 "; DOA 16". MRF s-7s8o, private collection.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

entries for a book press, one is described as a "book press Ware House." This reference to a warehouse seems to indicate that the press would hold bound volumes such as daybooks, cashbooks,and ledgers used for business purposes.

Presses, Buffets, and Wardrobes. Another furniture form used lor storage was a press. Items stored in a press might be textiles or china. Wood descriptions for presses break down to six of walnut, one of poplar, and one of pine. There is one entry for a buffet, which is an early term for a cupboard used for the display of china, glass, and plate. A buffet might be freestanding or a built in architectural form.'"' The three entries for a china press indicate a press used lor housing crockery and china. An example of an 1800-20 china press from Campbell Count)', which borders Lynchburg, is tound on the front of the exhibition catalog Piedmont Virginia Furniture^' Wardrobes were another form popular in the first hall ot the nineteenth century for the storage of clothes. The traditional form ot storage ol textiles was a clothes press. Entries for a press combined with another furniture form are a cherry press and bureau, a press and bureau, and press and case.

Sideboards and Slabs. In 1819, John Hockaday, a Lynchburg cabinetmaker, advertised that among the items he would sell at auction were French and plain sideboards."" French, meaning in the classical manner, was the most up-to-date srs'le at the time.'"' An example of a French sideboard is the one ordered from New York by the Mordecai lamilv of Raleigh, North Carolina (figure iS)."' Diuguid's account book lists twent)'-seven entries using the generic term "sideboard." Of the twent}'-seven entries only one had a wood description, and that was for a walnut sideboard for $25.00. The distinction in the sideboard entries is found in the price. An 1825 entry for a $45.00 sideboard for lames Fretwell describes an expensive piece of furniture, probably made of mahogany in the current st)'le. The 1826 entr}' for James Claytors $80.00 sideboard describes an even more expensive

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS ^'INTER IOO4

FIGURE i8. Side- board; mahogany and mahogany ve- neer with mahog- any, tuhp poplar, and white pine; New York, 1817. HOA 43 '/i"; wo A 6o4'4"; DOA 16V4". MRf S-12240. Courtesy iif Mindtidi Historic P.irk, RJagk North Carolina.

piece of furniture. During this time period in southern Virginia, the average sideboard listed in the appraisal of a deceased person's estate, even though it might have some age, rarely was valued at sso.oo or above. Besides making sideboards, Diuguid also made a sideboard on which was placed a china press or press. Examples of this form are pictured in figs. 5-32, 5-42, and 6-78 of Classical Norfolk Furniture, 1810-1840'.'^ There is one entry for a "slop table," which may refer to a "slab table," or a sideboard table that was a tall-legged table used for serving.'*''

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

Tables. Entries in the account book tor tables used tor eating were described as dining tables or sets of tables or just as tables. The entry for customer Samuel Steel is a typical Diuguid description for a table: "1827 Dec 12 To I Table io[.oo]." Sets of tables were used together to provide a larger eating surface. End tables or pairs of end tables were used as banquet ends.'"" Lynchburg cabinetmaker James Frazer advertised in 1818 that he had "finished" some tea tables with and without pillar and claws and card tables on harps and scrolls.'"' This notice clearly shows that the current classical-sr)'le furniture was being produced in Lynchburg. The account book has twenty-nine entries for tea tables. Because the entries for this form are simply described as "tea table," one is left to wonder if this refers to a Pembroke table with tapered or turned legs or a pillar-and-claw style table. The same type ot generic description is used when describing work tables and card tables. There were eighteen entries for dressing/toilet tables. An example of a New York toilet table ordered by the Mordecai family ot Raleigh, North Carolina is shown m figure 19}"- The account book shows the production of more utilitarian tables such as two kitchen tables and eight ironing tables.'"*

Chairs. Chairs were not a major furniture form sold by Diuguid, at least in Ledger D ot his account books. There are nine entries for easy chairs, which would indicate that there was an upholsterer in his shop or that he contracted the work out. All other entries for chairs refer to side chairs, possibly Windsor or slatback chairs. There are three entries for the sale of a dozen chairs and four entries for the sale of a half-dozen chairs. Ot the entries tor chairs sold in sets ot six, two of the entries indicate the chairs came trom Chesley Hardy, a Lynchburg chairmaker. Under Chesley Hardy's account, there were seven entries for paying Duiguid in chairs rather than in cash. An example ot one Chesley Hardys chairs (in partnership with George T. fohnson) is illustrated figure 20. There are tour entries tor making a chair "draw," which may refer to a drawer tound on a writing desk Windsor chair. An example of a writing desk chair can be seen m figure 21. The one

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

Figure 19. Table; maple and white pine with white pine and tuHp poplar; New York, 1817. HOA 35'/2"; WOA 36";

DOA 20". MRFS-12246. Courtesy ofMordeaii Historic Park, Raleigh, North Carolina.

entry for the sale ot "R chairs" could refer to reed-bottom chairs or even chairs painted red.

Frames and Looking Glasses. There are several entries in Duiguids account book for picture frames; however, he also made frames for a variety of objects. There are ten entries for portrait frames. One of the portrait frames was gilded by the Lynchburg chairmaker Chesley Hardy. There are eight frames for miniatures, five frames for samplers, and one frame for a map. The entries for a looking glass usually refer to a looking glass plate, which would seem to indicate the installation or replacement of a mirror.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

11 Gil RE 20.

.son & Ches Virginia, ca.

MRf s-fiii'^ pr,

Windsor .s ley Hard)'; 1821. HOA

vatc iiilUaiiii

Repairs and Miscellaneous

The entries for repairs to furniture far out- number entries for any one hirniture form. The same holds true for entries for various other woodworking activities in which Di- uguid was involved. Some entries are for architectural forms such as turning newel posts, turning columns for a store, or for making one thousand shingles. In 1826, Bal- timore cabinetmaker Edward Priestley made a handrail and newel posts for Edward Lloyd V of Wye House.'"* Other entries in Diu- guid's account book are for business-related materials such as a pedlar's box, work on hat blocks, and brick moulds. Some items such as a spool for a flax wheel, a churn top, and flour boxes were clearly for domestic use.

Coffins and Burials

James Frazer, a Lynchburg cabinetmak- er, advertised in November ot 1818 that he had a bier and a pall and would soon have a hearse.'"^ In the 10 December 1818 issue of the Lynchburg Press, Winston & Diuguid informed the public that they provided the service of undertakers and that there was no charge for use ot their hearse.'""

When Diuguid went into business for himself he continued to ofler his service as an undertaker. The account book has fifr)'-one entries for making cof- fins and one hundred and thirteen entries for funerals. As mentioned earlier, Diuguid also maintained a set ot books called "Burial Books." The first book is "Burial Book No. i, 1820-1845." Examination ol this volume contains the same entries for coiTlns and burials found in Led-

ide chair bv George T. John tulip poplar; Lynchburg, 35'/2"; WOA 16' 2"; DOA IS '.

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

ger D plus entries not found in the account book. Thus Diuguid was making more coffins and conducting more funerals than the account book records. Diuguid's service to the communit}' as an undertaker is best described in his own obituary:

In his discharge of the duties of his business, Mr. Diuguid has assisted in consigning hundreds, yes thousands, we may add to the cold chambers of the dead; and now, in fulfillment of the inexorable destiny of man, he too has gone down beneath the clod of the valley. Peace to his ashes; honor to his memory.'"

FIGURE 21. Windsor writing armchair by An- drew & Robert T. Mc- Kim; Richmond, Vir- ginia, 1802. HOA 37%"; WOA 24"; DOA 1744".

MESDA Aa. p82.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

upholstery Work

As previously mentioned, the account book lists nine entries tor the sale of easy chairs. "While there are no entries for the sale of settees, there is one entry for the sale of a settee seat and pillow. The account book does not list the sale of sofas, but there is one entry for covering a sofa and two entries for upholstering a sofa. There is an entry for repairs to sohi pillows and an entr}- for a bolster and pillow. When these entries are compared with the previous twenty-five entries for mattresses, it does not appear the Diuguid was involved in extensive upholstery of furniture. Ledger D does not mention payment to an upholsterer; it seems likely that Diuguid subcontracted upholsterv' work out.

Workforce

Who made up the workforce of Diuguid's shop? The Lynchburg personal property tax of 1826 shows Duiguid paying taxes for himself and three other white males above sixteen years of age and three slaves above sixteen years of age. ""^ In 1830 he paid a tax on himself and two whites above sixteen, three slaves above sixteen, and five slaves above twelve.'"' As Diuguid's two sons who survived to maturity where born in 1818 and 1820, the white males over sixteen were probably appren- tices or journeyman who worked in the shop. ' '" The category for slaves over sixteen was for both male and female slaves and it is not clear if slaves worked in the shop. The Overseers of the Poor tor Lynchburg in 1834 apprenticed Richard B.H. Bailey to Diuguid and in 1848 appren- ticed John Allen to him.'" The 1850 census shows six cabinetmakers and one turner in the household ot Sampson Diuguid."' Diuguid's account book provides more information concerning work done for him for the period 1824 to 1828. The account book lists the following men who did work totaling a hundred dollars or more: John Hocka- day; James Diuguid; Fleming Mosley; Thomas Watson; Robert Town- ley; Dolphin Drew; and Ormon Bagby. The account book uses dou- ble portfolio pagination, which has debits on the left-hand page and credits on the right-hand page. Like the account book of New York

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER 1004

cabinetmaker John Hewitt, Diuguid's account book shows payment for a specific job as well as tor specific periods oi time."^

Lynchburg cabinetmaker John Hockaday did work for Diuguid from 1824-28. Most entries say "by am[oun]t oi work done" or "by work to this date" followed by a dollar amount. One entrv' in 1828 was for repairing two sofas. Hockaday s account shows $815.44 in the deb- it column and $808.14 in the credit column. His account ends with the remark, "carried to LE 12th page." The reference to "LE" refers to Ledger Book E. In the debit column for Hockaday are six entries for furniture purchased. Four of the six entries have a person's name attached to the entry. An example of this type of purchase is the fol- lowing entry: "i table for Lew\vellin." There is one entry in the debit column for turning posts. These entries for the purchase oi furniture may indicate that Hockaday had an order to fill and did not have enough ready-made stock on hand. There is no evidence that Hocka- day worked in Diuguid's shop, but rather that he probably did this work in his own shop.

James H. Diuguid, Sampson Diuguid's brother, was credited with doing work from 1825-28. Because James's credit for work, which ranged from $211.00 to $340.00, was usually entered in the account book at the end of December, this is probably his total pay for the year."^ An entry on i January 1825 for $228.08 likely refers to work done in 1824. The amount in the debit column was $1,439.70 and there were four entries for furniture purchased with another person's name in the entr)'. The credit column shows a total of $1,519.17. How- ever the entry "carried to LE page 13th" indicates the continuation of work being recorded in another book. By the 1850s, James was in Roa- noke, Virginia, working as an undertaker."^

In 1811, Fleming Mosley was apprenticed to Windsor chairmakers Hobday & Seaton of Richmond.'"' He was credited for work done from 1825-26. An entry for 31 August credits him $1.50 for "turning legs & Stumps." Stumps refers to a stump foot. Under the heading for a plain bureau in the 1831 price book for the District of Columbia is the description, "stump feet let into the legs.""" In 1826, Mosley

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

was credited $4.00 tor turning five sets ot posts and $14.25 tor turn- ing nineteen sets of posts. These posts are more than likely posts for bedsteads. The total in credit column was $135.65. Seven entries in the debit column were for the purchase of furniture, one oi which was for a J. Patteson. The entry, "paid off," would indicate the conclusion ot business dealings with Mosley.

Dolphin Drew was credited on December 1825 with $323. 91 for work done and on 17 July for $141.50 for work done. In 1825 Drew married Mary B. Booker, daughter oi Peter E. Booker,"** a Lynch- burg cabinetmaker."' An entry of 1834 shows that he sold to Diu- guid a lot ot tools that he had purchased trom the estate of William Drew.'-" The appraisal of" William Drew's estate consisted solely oi the following woodworking tools: "i set Brace and bits, 3 saws, i set bench plains, a sash plain, i pair tongue and grove plains, i pair hollow and Rounds, 2 bead plains, i Rabit plain, 2 Squares, i oil stone, i set files chisels etc."'"' A subsequent deed shows that William was the brother oi Dolphin.'-- Drew's account shows $735.79 in the debit column and $727.82 in the credit column. In the debit column there were eleven entries for the purchase ot forniture and rsvo of the eleven entries had a person's name in the entry. Drew's accoimt shows continued work with Diuguid with the entry, "carried to LG," or Ledger Book G. In the 1850 census Dolphin is listed as a laborer living in the household oi his father-in-law Peter E. Booker, whose occupation was that oi weigh master.

Thomas Watson was credited on 25 December 1827 with $150.00 for one year's work and on 25 December 1828 with $180.00 for one year's work. Watson's account shows $170.83 in the debit column and $353.00 in the credit column. On the debit side of his account is an entry for " Pittsylvania trip. " Pittsylvania Count)' is south of Lynch- burg and could have been Watson's home count}'. Again there is the entry, "carried to LE 14th page. "

Ormon Bagby was credited on 31 December 1825 with $8.78 for "overwork." The term "overwork " refers to working more hours than the normal workday.'-' On 26 December 1826 he was credited with

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

$95-00 i"or six month's work at $14.58 per month. Bagbv's account shows $53.07 in the credit cokimn and $103.78 in the debit cokmin. Like the accounts tor others working tor Diuguid, there is the entry, "carried to LE 15th page."

Robert Townley on 25 December 1826 was credited with $8.44 tor "overwork" and $10.00 for working a month. On 25 December he was credited $175.00 tor a year's work. An entry tor ii October of $82.63 was for "5% M work ($14.55 '/^ P^- rno. Payable furniture)." Town- ley — like Bagby — seemed to be paid on a wage basis rather than by the piece of furniture. Townleys account shows $219.38 in the debit column. There are entries for the purchase of a bedstead and a trun- nel bedstead in the debit column. The total in the credit column was $267.63, and again the entry "carried to LE i6th page."

An exception to doing a hundred dollars worth ot work was W. Bibb, who had a brief work experience with Diuguid. He was ad- vanced $.50 in cash on 31 January 1827. On 13 February 1827, Bibb was advanced $14.00 in cash and was charged $6.50 tor board. Bibb repaid this debt by making furniture. On 31 January 1827 he was paid $10.00 tor making a bureau and again on 12 February 1827 he was paid $11.00 for making a bureau. It is not clear why Bibb was paid for piecework while Bagby and Townley were paid on a time basis. Bibb's account shows a total tigure of $21.00 in both the debit and credit columns.

Goods a7id Services Provided to Cabinetmakers and a Chairmaker

Diuguid's account book shows John Hockaday, cabinetmaker, was indebted to him for the following items: candles, coffee, tea, sugar, brandy, shoes, pork, meal, molasses, and cash advances. Hockaday purchased the following wood trom Diuguid : "thirty-four teet of

plank," "seventy nine feet of in poplar, " and "birch scantling. "

The fact that Hockaday purchased eight pieces ot furniture raises the question as to whether he was operating a furniture warehouse where he sold his own furniture along with that made by others.

Lynchburg cabinetmaker, Samuel Burch,''* purchased pine and

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

poplar trom Diuguid. He also purchased one set ot bed posts and a bureau. Burch had one entry for the hire of Diuguid's hearse. Part of his bill was repaid in walnut and pine plank.

The account of cabinetmaker, James Frazier, shows that he pur- chased the following types of wood: mahogany, walnut, poplar, and sugar tree or maple. There is one entry for the purchase of two bed joints. Frazier borrowed Diuguid's hearse and horse six times. Frazier paid back his debt with mahogany and walnut.

Diuguid's former partner, Alanson Winston, purchased the follow- ing wood: mahogany, maple, poplar, walnut, and cherry. There are four entries for the purchase of veneers. The only entry for the pur- chase of hardware was for two sets of castors. Winston purchased a $12.00 bedstead and a candlestand pillar. The purchase of a four-foot mahogany pillar and a carved cap may refer to furniture parts or archi- tectural components. Winston also hired Diuguid's hearse for a day.

Richmond cabinetmaker Willis Cowling had business dealings with Winston & Diuguid, Sampson Diuguid, and James Frazier. In 1818, Winston & Diuguid requested Cowling send them the box of wood that Mr. Meeks had sent them.'-' In his letter of 9 May 1825, John Dolan, former New York cabinetmaker and then hardware mer- chant,'-'' requested Cowling's aid in collecting debts due him from Winston & Diuguid.'- Diuguid's account book shows an 4 October 1826 entry for advancing Cowling $50.00 in cash and an entry of 4 No- vember 1826 for paying J. Early $44.07. Cowling was a steward at what is now Centenary Methodist Church in Richmond'-^ and John Early was a Methodist minister and later a bishop in Lynchburg.'-' Cowl- ing repaid his debt on 4 October 1826 with "2 logs B[ay] mah[oghan]y 425flt] 8 In[ches] @ 11V2 c[ents]" and "19yds 16 in Haircloth."

Cowling also had financial dealings with James Frazier. Fearing Frazier would not repay him. Cowling sought help from his connec- tions in Lynchburg. The following letter of 28 September 1820"" from Lynchburg tinsmith William Burd'" describes the situation. The use of the term "Brother " is used by Cowling and his fellow Methodists when addressing each other in writing.

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

Lynchburg 28th Sept. 1820 Dr. Brother Cowling,

This morning Bro Truslaw and myself Waited on Mr. Frazier to see what could be done for you we Find it will be not an easy matter to save the debt or Indeed any Tolerable part of it we learn that a man here one of his neighbours has a fear [not legible] money In my Opinion is out of the question we have succeeded in getting the promise of four dozen Winsor Chairs Such as he sells at $24 per Doz we get them at $20-we also get one secretary and Book Case he asks one hundreds for it but let us have it for $80- we also get one Bureau at $24- and two Barrells of Spirits ot Turpen- tine about 50 gallons as there is but little dependence in his word of promise we have taken the Turpentine away that stand us one Dollar per Gallon the furniture has the mounting yet to put on and some of the Chairs is to paint we Intend getting these away as fast as they are Finished lest he Should sell them to another which we have some fear about Should we succeed in get- ting all that is promised we would be glad to be advised what to do with it. — he also promises to pay the amount of the note you gave me in money which for my part I don't depend upon If we get what is promised I think we may succeed in getting the balance in something sooner or later

I am Your Bro. Wm. Burd

In his letter of 18 October 1821, Burd wrote Cowling about further plans to deal with debts owed by Frazier. The letter specifically men- tions a debt of $30.00 to $35.00 owed lor the purchase ol mahoga- ny.''-

Chesley Hardy, a Lynchburg chairmaker, also had an account with Diuguid. On the debit side of his account are entries for "curled hair," which Hardy would have used lor upholstery purposes. On lour occa- sions Hardy had Diuguid put a drawer on a chair. As previously men- tioned, this would have been a writing-arm Windsor such as the one seen m figure 21. On the credit side of Hardy's account are six entries for "'/2 dozen chairs" and an entry for three hundred and twenty feet of pine.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

CONCLUSION

Analysis of Sampson Diuguid's Ledger D account book reveals the various hirniture forms he made. The sideboard with china press was a new form that made its appearance in the early-nineteenth century. The 1827 entry for a columned bureau shows that Diuguid was pro- ducing some classical-st\'led furniture. Another 1827 entry for a re- pair or alteration is described as, "to pillars to C. Press." The term "C. Press" could refer to a china press or a clothes press. Pillars may refer to pilasters or some form of columns. These entries, along with the entry for Diuguid's trip to New York and the previously mentioned newspaper notices, show that Lynchburg cabinetmakers were aware of and accepting of the current New York furniture st\'les.

Furniture made in the first three decades of the nineteenth cen- tury in Virginia needs further research; however, Diuguid's Ledger D provides the rare opportunity to examine this period by use of prima- ry source material. The Virginia Piedmont Furniture Exhibition, nu- merous articles in MESDKs Joiir/hi/ of Eiir/y Soittheiii Deconnive Arts, and, most recently, the book Classical Norfolk Furniture, 1810—1S40 have provided valuable information on this period. It is hoped that this article has added to that body of knowledge and will encourage others to continue research of early-nineteenth-century Virginia fur- niture. Study of the other recently discovered Diuguid furniture ac- count books will provide a further understanding of his cabinetmak- ing business. Perhaps the best compliment to Sampson Diuguid as a cabinetmaker is found in his biographical sketch found in Margaret Couch Anthony Cabell's 1858 work Sketches and Recollectio>is of Lynch- burg by the Oldest Inhabitant.

Whilst John and Hardin Murrell were diligently employed on one side of the street, dispensing from the post-office good and ill, Sampson Diuguid, on the other side, was equally occupied in another department of life and death. Combining the occupation of cabinet-maker and undertaker, he industriously pursued his avocations for the benefit of the living and the dead; and his ser\-ices to the former, will long remain visible throughout the whole section of country around Lynchburg, in the beautiful, durable fur-

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

niture, by him manufactured, differing so widely from those slight showy articles procured from the Northern cities. "*

CHRISTIAN KOLBE is the Senior Research Archivist at Vie Li- brary of Virginia in Richmond, Virginia. He may be contacted via e-mail at ckolbe@h>a. lib. va. us.

APPENDIX A. Amount and Type of Furniture Sold by Sampson Diuguid by Year from 1824-36

1824 1825 1826 \i

1828 1820 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1833 1836 TOTAL

Bedsteads

7

87

78

76

67

}C

24

Tables

6

20

19

22

13

13

6

Bureaus

7

27

18

23

23

5

2

Presses

1

3

7

10

6

2

1

Candlestands

3

8

7

14

9

6

1

Desks

2

5

6

7

3

1

1

Sideboards

2

7

4

7

6

3

1

Tea Tables

2

5

4

4

8

3

Washstands

3

6

1

7

8

1

416 107 120 31 52 26 30

NOTES

1. Eleanor MacRae, Wilham Diuguid of Btukingham County. \':rgiiiiii (Virginia Beach. VA: E.H. MacRae, 1989), IS4.

2. Digital picture of p. 119 of Ledger C with account ol Jacob Earley, e-mail from Ted Del- aney. Archivist and Curator of the Old City Cemetery, Lynchburg, VA, to author, 18 October 200s.

(.Telephone conversation with led Delaney, Archivist and Curator ol the Old City Cem- etery, Lynchburg, VA, 4 October 2005.

4. Ledger D is listed under Diuguid Furniture Company 1820-1830, ace. iU402b, Jones Me- morial Library, Lynchburg, VA.

5. Telephone conversation with Ted Delaney, Archivist and Curator of the Old Cir>' Cem- etery, Lynchburg, VA, 17 October 200s.

6. S. Allen Chambers, Jr., Lyiuiihurg: An Architectunil Huron (Charlottesville, VA: Univer- sity Press of Virginia, 1981), 2.

7. Ibid., 6-8.

8. Ibid., 10.

9. Ibid., 30-31.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

10. Ibid., 38-40.

11. S. Allen Chambers, Jr.. PopLir Forar uiid Tlwnuis Jefferson (Little Compton, RI: Fort Church Publishers, Inc.. 1993). lio.

II. Ibid., 126.

13. Chambers, Lynchburg: Architectural Hutory. 80-81.

14. Ibid., 100-105.

15. Ronald L. Hurst and Jonathan Prown. Southern Furniture. i6So-i8)o: Vie Colonial Wil- liamsburg Collection (Williamsburg, VA: The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation in association with Harr\' N. Abrams, 199^). 483.

16. Ibid., 224.

17. Patricia A. Piorkowski, Piedmont Virginia Furniture: Product of Provincial Cabinetmakers (Lynchburg, VA: Lynchburg Museum System, 19S2), biographical sketch ot ALinsnn Winston.

18. Ibid., biographical sketch on James Frazier.

19. Richmond City, Hustings Court, Order Book 9, 1810-1812, 419.

20. Lynchburg Press, 5 April 1819, 3-6.

21. Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture. i6So—iS-io. 483.

22. Ibid., s— .

23. Lynchburg L'ress. 18 March 1819, 3-s.

24. Hurst and Prown. Southern Furniture, i6So-iSiO. 483-485.

25. Ibid.

26. Curator's Worksheet, Accession No. 2001-763, The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, Williamsburg, VA.

27. Accession No. 80.19. i, Lynchburg Museum System, Lynchburg, VA.

28. Piorkowski, Piedmont Virginia Furniture, catalog no. 14.

29. MacRae, William Diuguid of Buckingham County. Virginia. 254.

30. Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture. i6So—iSjO, 483.

31. Oscar F. Fitzgerald, Vie Green Family of Cabinetmakers: An Alexandria Institution. 1S1-- 18S7 (Alexandria, VA: The Lyceum, 1986), 19-20.

32. Lynchburg Press. 14 August 1818, 4-4.

33. Lynchburg City, Superior Court of Chancery, Rucker vs. Winston & Diuguid. 1S21-028, Library of Virginia, Richmond, VA (henceforth cited as LVA).

34. Lynchburg Press. 5 April 1819. 3-6.

35. J.Christian Kolbe, "Willis Cowling (1788-4828): Richmond Cabinetmaker," Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts, vol, xxvii, no. 2 (Winter 2001): 61-64.

36. Richmond City, Hustings Court, Willis Cowling Papers (henceforth cited as CP), Win- ston & Diuguid to Willis Cowling, 2- October 1818, LVA.

37. Jodi Pollack, "The Meeks Cabinetmaking Firm in New York Cit\': 1-95-183S." Tlte Maga- zine Antiques (May 2002): 104-105.

38. Peter M. Kennv, "From New Bedford to New York to Rio and Back: The Life and Times of Elisha Blossom, Jr., Artisan of the New Republic," American Furniture (2003): 26-, n.i6.

39. John T. Dolan to Willis Cowling, 9 May 1825, CP, LVA.

40. Diuguid's Burial Records, Diuguid Furniture Co. (1820-1830), Accession No. 132402b, Cash Account entry for 27 May 1825, Jones Memorial Library, Lynchburg, VA.

41. Piorkowski, Piedmont Virginia Furniture, biographical sketch ot Alanson Winston.

42. TJie Echo, Lynchburg, VA, 17 July 1816, 3-4.

43. Lynchburg Press. 14 August 1818, 4-4.

44. Forsyth M. Alexander, "Cabinet Warehousing in the Southern Atlantic Ports, 1783- 1820," journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts. vol. xv, no. 2 (November 1989): 3, 5, 13-16.

45. LynchhurgPress. 10 December 1818, 3-3.

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS -WINTER 2OO4

46. Kolbe. "Willis Cowling (1-SS-181S): Richmond Cabinetmaker," 65-66.

47. Lynchburg Press. 5 April i8ig. 3-6.

48. Lynchburg Cit)', Superior Court of Chancer}-, Riicker vs. Winston c Diiiguid. 1821-018. LVA.

49. Perkow,ski. Piedmont Virgmui Furniture, see biographical sketch on Benjamin A. \('in- ston.

50. Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture. idSo—iS'jO. ill.

51. Lynchburg Press, 14 August 1818, 4-4.

52. Conversation with Mr. Chip Pottage, iq June 2004.

53. Lynchburg Cit\-, Husting Court, Deed Book Q. 1822-1824, 438-439.

54. Chambers, Lynchburg: An Architectural History. loi.

55. Auditor ot Public Accounts, Land Ta.\, Campbell Count}-, 1830 B, 12, LVA.

56. 1830 census of Campbell Count}-, Virginia, 354.

5-. F. Johnston, Memorials of Old Virginia Clerks (Lynchburg.\".A: J. P. Bell Company, i888),6-.

58. .-Vuditor of Public Accounts, Land Ta.\. Bedford Counn-, 182- .\. 36 and 182- B, 46, LVA.

59. Auditor ot Public Accounts, Personal Propert}- Tax, Bedford Count}-, lS2~ \. ~i, LVA.

60. i8so Census of Campbell Counn-, Virginia, 126.

61. Chambers, Lynchburg: An Architectural History. 90-92.

62. Auditor of Public Accounts, Land Ta.\, 182-, Lynchburg, s6,

63. Lynchburg Press, i Januar}- 1829, 3-4.

64. Auditor of Public Accounts, Land Ta.x, 1S29, Amherst Counn,- 4, LVA.

65. Amherst Count}-, Will Book 7, 224-229.

66. Campbell Count}-, Will Book 7, 37i-3~2, 397.

67. Lynchburg, Chancer),' and Law- Order Book i, 1S28-1829, 24.

68. Lynchburg, Chancery and Law- Order Book 2, 1829-1832, s.

69. Ibid., 229.

70. Lynchburg, Chancer}- and Law Order Book 3, 1S32-1835, 127,

71. Ted Delaney and Phillip Wayne Rhodes, Free BLicks of Lynchburg. Virginia. iSo<:-iS6^ (Lynchburg, VA: Warwick House Publishing, 2001), 2-4.

72. Auditor of Public Accounts, Personal Property Tax, 1828, Lynchburg, 3.

73. Auditor of public Accounts, Personal Property Tax, 1830, Lynchburg, -.

74. Ibid, 19.

75. Auditor ot Public Accounts. Land Tax. 1830, Lynchburg, 18.

76. Ibid., 43.

77. Ibid., 48.

78. Lynchburg, Deed Book I, 389-391.

79. Lynchburg Press. 18 March 1819, 3-s.

80. Marilynn A, Johnson, "John Hewitt, Cabinetmaker," Winterthur Portfolio, no. 4 (1968):

195-

81. Nancy Goyne Evans, "Everdav Things: From Rolling Pins to Trundle Bedsteads," Ameri- can Furniture (2003): 53.

82. Johnson, "John Hewitt, Cabinetmaker," 194.

83. Vie New York Revised Prices for Manufacturing Cabinet and Chair Work ( New- York: Dan- iel D. Smith, 1818), 53.

84. Wendell Garrett, "The Price Book ot the District ot Columbia Cabinetmakers, 1831," Vie Magazine Anticjues (May 1975): 889.

85. Ibid., 893.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF SAMPSON DIUGUID

86. Ihomas R.|. Ncwbcrn and James R. Melcher, Cltiaiuil Noifolk Fiinuiure 1S10-1S40 (Pa- ducah. KY: Turner Publishing, 1004), 92.

87. Kolbe, "Willis Cowling (1788-1828): Richmond Cabinetmaker." 61-64.

88. George B. Cutten, Vie Silversmiths of Virginia from 1694-18^0 (Richmond, VA: Dierz Press, 1952), (>S-

89. Barcode 101411". Lynchburg Ciry. Bonds. LV,\.

90. Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture. i6So—iS)o, 574-57^.

91. Gregory R. Weidman, Furniture in Maryland 1740— 1940: Tin- Collections of the Maiyland Historical Society (Baltimore: M3r\'land Historical Societ}', 19S4). 141-142.

92. Alexandra A. Kirtley, "A New Suspect: Baltimore Cabinetmakcf Edward Priestly," Amer- ican Furniture (2000): 118.

93. Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture. i6So—iS}o, 499.

94. Piorkowski, Piedmont Virginia Furniture^ front cover.

95. Lynchburg Press. 18 March 1819, 3-v

96. Kenny, "From New Bedford to New York to Rio and Back," 2so-2';i.

97. Kenneth Joel Zogry. " 'Plain and Handsome : Documented Furnishings at Mordecai House, i~8o-i830," Jiniriiiil of Farly Southern Decorative Arts \'ol. xv, no. 2 (November 1989): 99-

98. Newbern and Melcher, Classical Norfolk Furniture 1S10-1S40, 73. "s, 90.

99. Neat Pieces: Tl>e Plain Style Furniture of 19th Century Georgia (Atlanta, GA: Atlanta His- torical Society, 1985), 93.

too. Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture. i6So-iS^o. 111. loi. Lynchburg Press. 14 November 1818. 1-6.

102. Zogry, " 'Plain and Handsome': Documented Furnishings in Mordecai House, 1-80- 1830," 104.

103. Evans, "Everyday Things: From Rolling Pins to Trundle Bedsteads, 2--29, 34-^6.

104. Kirtley, "A New Suspect: Baltimore Cabinetmaker Edward Priestly," 119. los. Lynchburg Press. 14 November 1818, 3-6.

106. Lynchburg Press. 10 December 181S. 3-3.

107. Lynchburg Daily Virginian, 19 Februar)- i8s6, 3-1.

108. Auditor ot Public Accounts, Personal Property Tax, Lynchburg Cit)'. 1826. LV'A.

109. Ibid.. 1830.

no. MacRae. William Diugnid of Buckingham Count)'. Virginia, 258-259.

111. Barcode 101411", Lynchburg Cit\', Bonds, LVA.

112. 1850 Censu.s of Campbell Count\', Virginia, 92a.

113. Johnson, "John Hewitt, Cabinetmaker," 200.

114. MacRae. William L'>iuguid of Buckingham Coiinr\i. Virginia. 252.

115. Ibid.

116. Richmond Cin', Hustings Court, Order Book 9, 1810-1812, 419.

!!■?. Garrett, "The Price Book of the District of Columbia Cabinetmakers, iSii," 893. iiS. Lucy H.M. Baber, comp. Marriages and Deaths from Lynchburg, \irginia Newspapers, i794-iS-i6 (Baltimore, MD: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1980), 37.

119. Piorkowski, Piedmont Virginia Furniture, biographical sketch ot Peter E. Booker.

120. Lynchburg City, Hustings Court, Will Book B, 1831-1841, 132.

121. Lynchburg City, Hustings Court, Deed Book L. 1832-1834, 281.

122. 1S50 Census of Campbell County, 'Virginia, -8.

123. Edward Jenner, "Carpenter's Diary Entries." Old Sturbridge Village Online Resource Librarv. Online: http://w\s'w.o.sv.org/learning/Document Viewer.php?.'\cton=\'iew & Dod ID = 2109. (accessed 24 September 2004).

46 JOURN.^L OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER 2OO4

124- Barcode 1118983, Lynchburg Cir)', Hustings Court. Ended Causes. Box 122. Fmzier vs. Smith, 1828, LVA.

125. Winston & Diuguid to Willis Cowling. 27 October 1818. CU LVA.

126. Kenny. "From New Bedford to New York to Rio and Back. " 26-.

127. John T. Dolan to Willis Cowling, 9 May 182s. CP. LVA.

128. Personal Papers, Centenary Methodist Church. Richmond, VA, Register of Classes 1827-1837, Accession No. 25147. 7. LVA.

129. Margaret Anthony Cabell, Sketches ,>n/l Reeotleetions of Lynehhiirg hy the OlAest Inhabit- ant (Richmond. VA: C.H. Wynne, 1858), 125-125.

130. Wm. Burd ro Willis Cowling, 28 September 1820, CR LVA.

131. Cabell, Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg by the Oldest Inhabitant. 286-287.

132. Wm. Burd to Willis Cowling, 18 October 1821, CR LVA.

133. Cabell, Sketches and Recollections of Lynchburg by the Oldest Inhabitant, 270-271.

ACCOUNT BOOK OF .SAMPSON DIUGUID

The Transference ol" Skills and Styles horn

the American to Jamaican Furniture Trade

During the Eighteenth Centiuy'

JOHN CROSS, PH.D

If we explore the commercial ties between America and Jamaica in the eighteenth century can we find evidence of a relationship that endured the American Revolution and facilitated the transference of American cabinetmaking skills and furniture styles that were adopted by the islands craftsmen?

Published material on such a subject is scant. Research on colonial Jamaica and America is rarely connected and even less often focused specifically on the decorative arts.- Yet, despite the scarcit}' of mate- rial, a trading and cultural relationship can be found between the two colonies.' This article attempts to build a rudimentary image of the furniture trade between America and Jamaica during the eighteenth century through one type of manufactured product, namely Wind- sor chairs, and one craftsman, cabinetmaker John Fisher. Through this narrow focal point it is hoped that broader observations can be made about the influence that the American ftirniture trade had on the Ja- maican consumer.

Given the lack ol research in this area, this article concentrates on just one faction of the primary material that exists in Jamaica and America in order to construct an image of colonial enrichment.' The

choice of the Windsor chair was adopted due to the chair's sheer en- durance and relatively simple design and manufacture and perhaps be- cause it represents a utilitarian object that was not in the hands of only the wealthy. The Windsor chair therefore reached many levels of soci- ety, was relatively inexpensive, and was widely available from England to America and down into the Caribbean.^ The selection of the cabi- netmaker John Fisher is mainly due to the hict that he is one of" the relatively few cabinetmakers to be identified and documented as hav- ing worked in America and Jamaica during the eighteenth century.'' He was also, clearly, a master oi his trade and his clients would have in- cluded all strata of wealth in any community where he worked. There- fore, between the Windsor chair and the cabinetmaker John Fisher we have an object and craftsman that represent all the demands of the eighteenth-century consumer at many social levels in both America and lamaica.

SOURCING THE WINDSOR CHAIR IN JAMAICA

VCTiile both the American and British Windsor chair have received excellent and in-depth study, as of \'et no research has been conducted in America, Britain, or Jamaica on the Jamaican Windsor chair. In Nancy Goyne Evans's tome on the America Windsor chair she finds reference to a Windsor-rv'pe chair called a 'Torest chair" that pre-dates the name "Windsor chair " by a decade and is recorded as early as the 1720S.'* This same terminology of the early Windsor chair can also be found in Jamaican probates of the 1720s, illustrating rapid dissemina- tion of the language of description." While we are interested in the fact that these forest, or Windsor, chairs are found in Jamaica early on in the chair's history, we are more interested in who made or supplied these seats for the Jamaican consumer.

In order to determine if and when English, American, or even Ja- maican chairmakers were supplying or influencing the st)'le and design of Jamaican Windsor chairs we need to establish the chronology of the availabilirv' of these chairs in Jamaica. To be able to provide firm

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER 1004

evidence for the production oi Windsor chairs in Jamaica we should search for stocks of the chairs in the probate inventories oi craftsmen who worked in Jamaica. Also, by searching the probate inventories for tools of the chairmaker s trade and equipment specific to the turners trade, such as a lathe, we can establish if Windsor chairs, or any turned works, were produced on the island and by whom.

Despite a very large survey oi the craftsmen of Jamaica ol" the eigh- teenth centur\' being undertaken, with some 1,450 individuals being identified, surprisingly tew craftsmen were turners.'" In fact, only eight craftsmen were found to have practiced turning," and only a further eleven artisans were found to have owned a lathe.'' Apart from three craftsmen who worked in the last five years oi the eighteenth century, only eight turners and eight carpenters were turning wood during the rest of the eighteenth century.'^ Of this group of sixteen men, none had chairs in stock and most appeared to have turned architectural elements such as columns, balustrades, or newel posts as part of their trade. The three craftsmen identified to have been working in the last ten years of the eighteenth century produced turned bedposts only.'''

If we cannot find evidence amongst the probates of Jamaican crafts- men for tools and inventory suitable for making Windsor chairs then we should examine the same probate inventories for listings explicitly for "Windsor chairs." If the result is negative then it is unlikely that lamaican craftsmen were involved in the making of Windsor chairs. Indeed, the database oi probates reveals that craftsmen in Jamaica did not make Windsor chairs in significant numbers in the eighteenth century.'^

Despite the fact that Windsor chairs were not made in Jamaica dur- ing the eighteenth centun.' there is plenn,' of evidence to illustrate that Windsor chairs were an established element in the material comfort of the colonial resident. The first document listing a Windsor chair in Ja- maica dates to 1735, only ten years after the first use of the term in Brit- ain."' Peter Beckford's probate of 1735 lists a "green painted Windsor chair."' Probably the first institutional use of the chair in Jamaica also came in 1735 and is evident from the order for twelve Windsor chairs

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

for the Council Chamber at the Kings House, by the Jamaican Assem- bly.'" By the end of the 1730s the Windsor chair is regularly listed in probates and becomes an object that is commonplace in the colonial residences in Jamaica.''*

The Windsor chair remains a popular and common object in Jamai- ca through to the beginning of the nineteenth century.'" The reason for the Windsor chairs enduring popularity is threefold. First it was made of mahogany and therefore relatively heaN'y and would not blow over in the strong tropical winds. Second, the chair could be formal enough for a council chamber, casual enough to be placed outside on the pi- azza, or find use at functions that seem to have been even more casual than sitting on a piazza, as a print titled the "Segar Smoking Society in Jamaica!" (figure i) sardonically illustrates. The third favourable at- tribute of the Windsor chair is that it lacked upholstery, which meant that the high humidit\' did not rot, and insects did not harbour in, the upholstery.-'

In light of the probate evidence provided, it is highK' unlikely that Windsor chairs were produced in Jamaica during the eighteenth cen-

FiGL'RE I. "Segar Smok- ing Societ)' hi Jamaica, " reproduced from Lady Nugent i Journal . Philip Wright, ed. (iqCid cdi-

SK-;;.VH SM<5KiNCi

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOLITHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

tury. From their abundance in the probates of the residences of Jamaica during this period it can be concluded that the chairs must have been imported. In the first half of the eighteenth century importation was Ukely to be from Britain as no Windsor chairmakers worked in Ameri- ca until the late 1740s." Effectively, in the first half of the century Brit- ish makers were the major suppliers of this chair to both America and Jamaica.

This British monopoly did not survive beyond the 1750s in Ameri- ca,-' but did Britain maintain its dominance on the supply of Windsor chairs to Jamaica for the rest of the eighteenth century? If we examine British export records to Jamaica for the eighteenth century and study the amount of fiirniture being exported we find that, for the first fifty years of the eighteenth century, Britain on average exported 230 chairs per year to Jamaica (see Appendix A).-" Over the same period only four craftsmen in Jamaica appeared to have made chairs of any t\'pe; three of them only had a couple of dozen chairs in stock and only one held stock of over a hundred.-'^ Given the number of chairs exported to the island each year, and the dearth of chairs being produced domestically, it is apparent that the majorit)' of chairs on the island were imported from Britain.

By the late 1750s there was a significant decline in the amount of fur- niture being exported from Britain to Jamaica.'" The Seven Years' War (1756-63) could explain the commencement of this decline. Whatever the cause, the Jamaican dependency on British imports waned. De- spite the drop in British imports, the probate inventories show that there was no noticeable increase in chair production on the island.' This begs the question of where Jamaican residents obtained their chairs during the second half of the eighteenth century. If they were neither produced locally nor imported from the mother country then we must look elsewhere.

By the mid-eighteenth century, fiarniture-making centres were ap- pearing along the eastern seaboard of North American in cities such as Charleston, Philadelphia, Salem (Massachusetts), and Newport (Rhode Island), to name a few. As early as 1744 there is evidence of venture car-

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

goes from New England sailing to the West Indies with furniture tor sale.'^ Although exact details oi these venture cargoes are lacking, a manifest tor the brig Samh from 1799 gives us an idea of the goods car- ried. Cargo included four desks, eleven tables, and two dozen chairs bound tor the West Indies."' In 1792 the merchant Thomas Brobson lists 346 chairs being exported Irom Wilmington, North Carolina, alone.''" In this case the destinations are the islands of Martinique and Barbados.

Margaretta Lovell, in her article on the business oI cabinetmaking in eighteenth-century Newport, clearly states, "the scale ol this export en- terprise [of furniture] can only be estimated, but it seems to have been considerable."'' Lovell establishes that the shipments bound for the southern states of America were sizable, but acknowledges that "ship- ments to other important markets, such as New York and the West In- dies, were probabh' much higher."'"

In seeking to discover exactly how much American furniture ended up specifically in Jamaica, we are not only laced with the problem of furniture historians marginalising colonial Jamaica, but are also con- fronted by the ambiguit}' of eighteenth-century merchants in record- ing where their ships were destined.

Venture cargoes, as the name suggests, were speculative loads that were carried from port to port down the eastern coast of North Amer- ica until the cargoes were sold. If by some misfortune they could not sell their wares in North American ports then the captains of these ships would venture further south into the Caribbean until all the mer- chandise was dispatched. The merchants clearly sent goods with the intention of selling them quickly and for handsome profits. This strat- egy for a quick sale could not always be guaranteed. Thus, if a depart- ing captain stated to customs officials that his ship was to sell its cargo in Charleston, in reality if he found no market there he would then continue his voyage until all the goods were off his hands. In 1810 this was taken to extremes when the ship Molly set out from Salem, Massa- chusetts. Tlie ship had still not sold her cargo of furniture by the time she had reached Rio de Janeiro, by which time her captain was desper-

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

ate and was trading the furniture tor supplies to return home.'^ The extended voyage of the Molly reminds the researcher that just because a ship is destined for a certain port does not necessarily mean that is where she finished her journey.

There is no evidence discovered to date that can prove that the ven- ture cargoes of furniture from New England actually landed on the quayside of Kingston. Also, although we know ships from Boston, Rhode Island, and Salem landed in Jamaica, no surviving documents suggest furniture was amongst the goods landed.'"'

The exportation of furniture from Philadelphia and the southern states of America to Jamaica can be delineated with a bit more clarit)'. The merchant Stephen Dutilh was an important and wealthy mer- chant who worked from Philadelphia at the turn of the nineteenth century.''^ Records of his business from the early-nineteenth century show that Dutilh insured one of his vessels to travel to Jamaica and other parts of the West Indies to sell manufactured as well as consum- able goods. The insurance policy was a necessary expense. Dutilh had already experienced the darker side of trading in the Caribbean, where uprisings, revolutions and foreign affairs whipped up as quickly as the tropical winds. In 1802, Dutilh's ship the Fair America had been cap- tured by French privateers and the captain and crew murdered. The ship was later recaptured by a British frigate and taken to Martinique. In Dutilh's insurance claim for the Fair America he lists the goods he had lost, amongst which were twenty-four mahogany chairs, two large looking glasses, two marble tables, rwenty-one-and-a-half dozen Ger- man looking glasses and a staggering forty-seven dozen assorted Wind- sor chairs (564 chairs).*"

Even earlier than Dutilh's insured shipments going to Jamaica, the Baltimore Port Records list no fewer than twelve sloops and brigs de- parting for Jamaica in 1799.* Neither of these sources, however, estab- lishes absolutely that furniture was being carried aboard a ship leaving an America port for the island of Jamaica.

Conclusive evidence for the trade of furniture between Jamaica and America can be found in 1768. It was in that year that the well-known

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

American cabinetmaker Benjamin Randolph appears to have ventured into trading with the West Indies by sending goods down to Jamaica on the ship Diaiia.'''^ During his career, Randolph had made many fine commissions, including the table on which the Declaration of Inde- pendence was drafted.^'' In his accounts, Randolph cites and credits another Philadelphian craftsman with supplying him with goods for the "voyage to Jamaica." Chairmaker Francis Trumble of Philadelphia was credited for chairs he supplied to Randolph (figure 2).'"

At this period in Trumble's career he had ceased making all types of

FIGURE 2. Windsor arm- chair by Francis Trumble; yellow poplar; Philadelphia, 1763-68. HOA 29%"; WOA 64'' s"; DOA Ijl's". Collection of the Amiu- & Woodbridge Histori- cal Societ)'. Courtesy of Amit)' c^ X\ (Xi/lhriii^f Hiitoriciil Society'. Inc.

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

^^-9*-

i.

^

FIGURE 3. Windsor chair, Ja- maica, C. 1790-1810. Private collec- tion: photograph by the author.

chairs other than Windsor chairs.^' Therefore, we have clear proof of furniture, and specifically Windsor chairs, being made in Philadelphia and then exported to the Jamaican market during the colonial peri- od. Also, when the Trumble chair m figure 2 is compared to surviving Jamaican-produced Windsor chairs from the early-nineteenth century (figure j), the similarities are striking. The similarities are even more apparent when these chairs are compared to British Windsor chairs or those made elsewhere in America at the time.*" The chair in fig- ure j shares more in common with Philadelphia low-back Windsors

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

than with those made anywhere else. Thus, it seems sate to assume that Trumbles shop in Philadelphia was one oi the design sources for the many Windsor chairs that appeared in Jamaica — probably domestically produced — during the early nineteenth century.

Had Benjamin Randolph not mentioned his indebtedness to Fran- cis Trumble for supplying chairs we would have just another record of a venture cargo leaving Philadelphia for the West Indies. In this instance the exportation of furniture with Jamaica can hardly be de- scribed as speculative — here it is stated that goods were destined for Ja- maica; however, we can now only speculate as to the nature of the car- go in its entiret}', its amount, and whether this shipment was part of a regular contact between Philadelphia and Jamaica. In an article on the exportation of Windsor chairs by the Gillows firm of Lancaster, Eng- land, Susan Stuart states that John Swarbreck, the Gillows's agent in the Caribbean, was receiving Windsor chairs from America in the early i76os.^' But Stuart could not ascertain from exactly where in America the chairs were made or who made them. Could Francis Trumble of Philadelphia be the maker and Benjamin Randolph the exporter?

It would appear that the Windsor chairs sold in Jamaica during the 1760S and early 1770s were likely to have been manufactured in Amer- ica. It is interesting to note that during the War of American Indepen- dence the Gillows firm did express an interest in exporting Windsor chairs to Jamaica to supply any demand not met by its American com- petitors. A letter dated 1775 to the Gillows agent John Swarbreck states, "we thought the North Americans would be so busy fighting that they would not have time to make and send you any Windsor chairs there- fore have dropt a dozen. "^^ The letter and Susan Stuart imply that America was the established source for Windsor chairs in Jamaica, and that Gillows or anybody else could not compete unless there was a ces- sation of trade, as was the case. Gillows does not appear to have sent any more chairs after the reinstatement of trade in between America and Jamaica in the early 1780s. ^^ We can assume that the purchase of Windsor chairs from America had resumed, given the evidence already provided from Stephen Dutilh and his ill-fated trip and the number of Windsor chairs he was transporting.

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

The period of- time that this trade thrived between America and Jamaica is unknown but there is evidence that craftsmen based in Ja- maica started to produce chairs on the island in the early-nineteenth centurv', probably modelling their designs on America examples.^'' Therefore, we can say that the principle suppliers of Windsor chairs in Jamaica during the second halt ol the eighteenth century were Ameri- can, probably Pennsylvanian, and that the Windsor chair designs Ja- maican craftsmen copied or emulated in the early-nineteenth century were also American.

The Windsor chair has been chosen as an example to illustrate the eighteenth-century trade relationships between America and Jamaica and the subsequent transference of design and srvde to Jamaican-pro- duced Windsor chairs. From this example we might envisage a much larger trade; a trade relationship that extends beyond chairs to include other types of furniture and goods. Also, if we could establish that this trade relationship included not only ftirniture being transported to Ja- maica from America, but also cabinetmakers, then the case for trans- ference and dissemination of both skills and styles would be strength- ened. Such a cultural exchange could demonstrate a larger impact on the decorative arts in Jamaica than has previously seemed likely. We could choose from a number of artisans known to have left America for Jamaica, but the career ot cabinetmaker John Fisher gives us a clear example ot the exportation oi furniture-making skills and use of mate- rials from America to Jamaica.

JOHN FISHER, A CHARLESTON CABINETMAKER

Although John Fisher is best known as a cabinetmaker and resident of Charleston, South Carolina, he was neither born there nor did he die there. His lite was to be a colourful one — a lite that not only took advantage oi the adventures and wealth that could be gained trom emigrating to the American colonies, but also the benefits of pledging loyalt}' to the Crown during the Revolution and the eventual political retribution such sentiments produced in an independent America.

The career of John Fisher illustrates a point with wide implications.

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

John Fisher is not the only British furniture maker to work in America, nor is he the only Anglo-American to have then moved to Jamaica (Ap- pendix B).^ In fact, a number of cabinetmakers moved back and torth between Jamaica and the southern states of America. This migration of cabinetmakers between America and Jamaica estabhshes an alternative to the exported furniture such as Windsor chairs for the flow of skills and styles between the two regions, h is hoped that specific examples of that transference can be found in the details of John Fishers life.

Fisher was born in the late 1730s and grew up in the north west of England.'*^ He was probably apprenticed to Roger Dewhurst and Peter Gerrard.^' This apprenticeship would have been a good introduction into the cabinetmaking business, as Gerrard was known to have been a subcontractor for the cabinetmaking firm "Gillows of Lancaster.""'"

Fisher petitioned freedom from his masters in 1761, which was granted in March of that year.^' If he started his apprenticeship when he was fourteen years old he would have been at least twenty-one when he lodged his petition. Fisher then travelled to London and proba- bly gained employment making fiirniture; however, little evidence has been uncovered other than for him travelling to London. "'-

Fisher first appears in Charleston in 1767 where he stated that he was a cabinetmaker having previously worked in London.^' He was clearly an experienced and talented cabinetmaker by the time he ar- rived in Charleston because within a year of arriving he was not only employed by the Charleston cabinetmaker Thomas Elfe but was very quickly made Life's partner. The exact date that Fisher began working for Elfe is unknown, but it certainly would precede the establishment of their formal partnership in 1768."'^

Their partnership would last for only three years, and notice of its dissolution in 1771 appeared in the South Carolina Gazette.'''' Despite the pair no longer being in partnership, Fisher continued to work for Elfe until Life's death in 1775."^'

During Life's twent}^-eight-year career, from 1747 to 1775, he does not seem to have labelled any of his furniture. Also, there are not any Life pieces that have been traced through family connections to their

60 JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

original owners. This lack of la- belled or provenance-attributed Elfe furniture causes problems for assessing Elfe's work.^ There- fore, the exact nature and appear- ance of the estimated three thou- sand pieces of furniture that Elfe's shop is said to have produced remain a mystery.^** That said, there are a number of surviving objects that in the past and pres- ent have been attributed to Elfes shop. The strongest of these attri- butions have been based on the "figure-eight" fret that graces the friezes of some Charleston desk and bookcases and double chests (figure 4); however, closer scruti- ny has shown the same fret pat- tern to appear on furniture made in at least five Charleston cabi- netmaking shops, although the fretwork itself may have originat- ed from Elfe's shop.^' Thus, con- fident attribution of surviving furniture to the shop of Thomas Elfe has proven elusive.''"

Elfe's account book for the years 1768 to 1775 survives.''' The account book, therefore, marks the time when Fisher and Elfe worked in partnership and also when Elfe subcontracted work to Fisher. The account book en-

FiGURE 4. Double chest of drawers; mahogany and mahogany veneer with cypress, mahogany, and tulip poplar; Charleston, South Carolina, 1765-75. hoa 78"; woa 46V2"; doa 25'/8".

MESDA AlX. Q46.

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

tries often describe pilasters, feet, ftetwork tor pediments, or whether the product was a double chest, bookcase, or other t)'pe oi furniture. The designs of Elfe's chairs remain unknown."' It is notable that apart from the 132 dining tables and 661 chairs recorded by Elfe in the ac- count book the ftirniture form that appears the most in number are bedsteads, numbering a considerable 123 over the eight-year period."^ A Charleston bedstead that was produced while Elfe's shop was active is shown in figure <,.

The account book documents some of the work Elfe employed Fish- er to produce, such as "40 shillings to cutting a fret" and "30 shillings for cutting a pediment board" in May 1773.''^ Of particular interest are entries such as in Februar)' 1774 when Elfe had Fisher turn "2 Setts of Bed posts.""^ These entries seem to illustrate the nature of Fishers exper- tise: bedpost turning. A considerable number of bedposts are listed in Fisher's own 1804 probate inventor)', some thirt\'-tAvo in total."" A ma- hogany bedstead found in Jamaica and dating from the period of time that Fisher was actively working on the island is presented as figure 6.

The employment of Fisher by Elfe, and their partnership, from 1768 to 1775, suggests that some of the furniture that would be attributed to Elfe's shop must reflect the characteristics of Fisher's hand. Also, be- cause the account book covers only the latter period of Elfe's career, the characteristics of Fisher's influence on Elfe's shop might be established by comparing examples of Elfe's furniture from earlier in his career to that from the time when Fisher was doing work with him — but, of course, the lack of confidently attributed Elfe furniture from any pe- riod of his career makes such comparisons impossible at this time.

While in partnership with Elfe, Fisher received a mention and contribution from the will of Ezra Waite." Waite was an architect working in Charleston whose most important structure was the Miles Brewton House. Waite may have employed Fisher to complete the interior fixtures and fittings for the house, such as the turned balus- ters of the staircases."" Because of Fisher's possible participation in its interior construction, the Miles Brewton House could prove to be a valuable clue as to the nature of Fisher's work and even to Elfe himself

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

FIGURE 5. Bedstead; mahogany; Charleston, South CaroUna. i^5S-~5. hoa 92" (without cornice); woa 54": loa 76". mesd-4 Aa: ;o6<;.

if attributed furniture as described above can be identified.''''

Other than Fisher's connections to Thomas Elfe and Ezra Waite, no other mention is made of Fisher's work in Charles- ton. Lack oi advertisements usually indicates a successful work- shop. He probably survived through commissions or contacts within the furniture trade. Like Elfe, Fisher does not seem to have labelled any furniture that he produced.

Fisher worked in Charleston until 1783. " After three de- cades of residence he had purchased 2,000 acres of land and three houses, one of which was incomplete. ' Fisher had also established himself in Charleston societ)' by serving as a ju- ror. ' When he was finally forced to leave the city in 1784 he took with him thirry-nine slaves, of which at least three were skilled in cabinetmaking. The skilled slaves were purchased as part of the trade and house of the cabinetmaker Stephen Townsend of Meeting Street. ' Surviving furniture from Fish- er's shop remains conspicuous by its absence when his wealth, association with Elfe, and position in Charleston society pri- or to the War of Independence are considered.

The period of 1782 to 1785 was a miserable time for Fisher. In backing the losing side in the War of Independence, he had briefly enjoyed the benefits of a loyalist while the British held the city but then was forced to forfeit his lands and wealth to the Americans — although he did regain some of them later. In 1784 he was forcibly removed from Charleston. ^ Fisher was decamped to Jamaica, where by good fortune his brother Thomas resided. ^ How long Fisher stayed in Jamaica is un- clear, but we do know that he took with him his slaves and other goods and chattels when he left Charleston. '^'

By 1787, John Fisher travelled to London and placed a claim for compensation for loyalty to the Crown. For his troubles, the commissioners claimed he was "destitute" and

FIGURE 6. Bedstead, Jamaica, c. 1790-1810. Pmuite collection, photo- g>iipl' />]' the author.

64

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

significantly gave him the princely sum of "25 pounds for his passage back to Jamaica."

The exact date of Fishers return to Jamaica is not known, but he did return. An analysis oi the list of sevent)'-one debtors to Fisher's shop (after his death in 1804), provides evidence that he was back in Jamaica and had set up his business as early as 1791 — certainly before 1794, because three of his debtors had died prior to that date. "^ The absence of any debtors between 1783 and 1787 suggests that he ran no business in Jamaica during that period. Two of the debtor entries that are dated pre-1794 are listed as bad debts, presumably due to the ten- year time lapse between the debts in question and the 1804 probate inventory. ''

The large amount of land that Fisher owned in Charleston and the number of slaves he brought with him when he left America suggest that he had some knowledge and ownership of- a plantation or an ag- ricultural enterprise. This is echoed in his probate inventor}'. In ad- dition to the seventy-three slaves and properu' in Kingston, he also owned Maggotty Hall Plantation, in St. Andrews Parish, with a suit- able amount of livestock.**"

Fisher's dwelling in Kingston appears to be where he ran his work- shop. Twelve of the seventy-three slaves resided in Kingston.- ' Seven of these enslaved persons were highly valued, indicating they were skilled craftsmen or labourers.'^" Only one other enslaved person in Fisher's in- ventory was given a higher value than the seven skilled slaves at Kings- ton: the driver at Maggotty Hall, who was valued at 200 pounds, the most of all Fisher's enslaved servants.^'

The inventory of Fisher's shop listed fifty-one objects, varying from night and dining chairs to card, Pembroke, and dining tables. "^^ Small objects such as a toilet table and very large pieces such as a "Mahog- any Wardrobe" illustrate that all manner of objects were executed in his shop (Appendix C).^^ It is notable that the inventory included four complete bedsteads, one with fluted columns, and twenu' blank mahogany posts. These bedposts would have been turned on Fish- er's "Turning Lathe," which was also listed. Fisher's principal wood stock was mahogany, which in varying states of conversion amount-

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

ed to 5,668 board feet. His secondary wood stock appears to have been "Juniper Cedar," of which he had 3,095 board feet at his death."''

\i the cedar in Fisher's inventory was used as a secondary wood, it would have been an unusual practice tor a Jamaican cabinetmaker. Giv- en the ready and cheap supply of mahogany, not much surviving fur- niture made on the island has a secondary material that is not mahoga- ny.^ If Fisher used a wood other than mahogany for secondan,' applica- tions, then he was most likely following the technique of most Charles- ton cabinetmakers ot the time, not the local Jamaican tradition. Cedar was a commonly used secondary timber in Charleston and therefore it is not surprising to see it in the workshop ol a former Charleston cabi- netmaker."** The large amount oi cedar in his workshop inventor)' sup- ports the theory that Fisher was using it as a secondary wood.

There is no surviving kirniture in Jamaica attributed to Fisher. The identification of Fisher's Jamaican product might be made possible il characteristics of his work in Charleston can be established. Opposite logic also applies here: it surviving turniture that Fisher was executing in Jamaica can be identified, then it could help to understand his out- put in South Carolina.

Fisher's workshop in Jamaica was j-ully functioning b\' the end of his lite. There is no evidence that there was a slow dechne in his business because the majority ot debtors appear to have been recent debts at the time ot his death in late 1804.^' At his death, John Fisher's estate was valued £12,992.11.3.'"'

CONCLUSION

It the movement ot cabinetmakers such as John Fisher between America and Jamaica is coupled with the evidence tor the exportation of Windsor chairs to Jamaica trom the American eastern seaboard then an image ot a much larger trade in manutactured goods begins to take shape. Two points made in this article allow for the deduction that the sphere ot influence in terms of skills and st)'le may have existed be- tween colonial and post-colonial America and colonial Jamaica: First, the similarit}' ot design between the Francis Trumble chair exported

JOURNAL OF E.-\RLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER IOO4

from Philadelphia in the 1760s (jigiire 2) and one of the many Wind- sor chairs in Jamaica that were probably made locally during the early- nineteenth century (figure j) establish the possibility for the transfer- ence of style from America to Jamaica. Second, the evidence from John Fisher's probate inventor)' that he continued the practice of employ- ing a secondar}' wood in his furniture despite the local tradition to the contrar)' supports the notion that at least one of the thirteen identified American woodworkers who moved to Jamaica (Appendix B) could have transferred American cabinetmaking skills to the island's market. While the focus of this article is exceedingly narrow, the evidence collected points to the significant potential of further research to un- cover additional and stronger evidence of the influence that eigh- teenth-centun,' .'\merica had on commerce and culture in Jamaica and the Caribbean in general. Perhaps this research — not only into furni- ture making but also other trades — will demonstrate that too much emphasis has been given to European powers for the commercial and cultural enrichment of colonial Jamaica and the West Indies.

JOHN CROSS, PH.D. ii afacuh member in the Sir John Cass De- partment of Art, Media, d~ Design at London Metropolitan University, England. He may be contacted via e-mail at j.cross@londonmet.ac.uk.

APPENDIX A. E.xports of Chairs from Britain to Jamaica, 1699-1-49

3 4 S 6 -

DATE (in five-year INTERVALS)

d m United Kmsdom Public Record Office, Cust yAb'-n-V

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES 67

APPENDIX B. Transfer of Skilled Woodworkers Between America and Jamaica (1697-1822)"

KEY

JA - Jamaica VA = Virginia PA = Penns)'l\'ania - = Unknown

SC = South Carolina NY = New York > = Alter this date d. = Year of death

GA = Georgia MA = Man,'land < = Before this date

Woodworkers Emigi-atitig to Jajnaica fivm Ainerica

Peter Dugue

Ship Carpenter

-

-

<

1697-1-21

John Gale

Carpenter

-

-

\br

d.n2

James Anderson

Carpenter

<1736

G,A>

-

d.l762

William Williamson

Cabinetmaker

<

MA1758

-

r66

Robert Burrough

C:ar\er

1"3I

-

<

1-66

James Young

loiner

<

-

rs3

1—4

Barrow Johnston

LIpholsterer

<

-

n74

d.1-87

Alexander Dr\'sdale

Carpenter

-

GAl^SOs

-

d.l790

Thomas Smith

Carpenter

<r:'s

\A

-

d.r9I

Robert Robertson

Carpenter

Scot

VA1"''5

-

1802

William Thompson

Carpenter

-

VAl^gOs

-

d.l804

John Boyd

Upholsterer

Scot

-

1802

d.l816

John Fisher

Cabinetmaker

r40s

-

r 6^-84

d.I804

Woodworkers Cot>ii>igfroi>i Ja)naica to America

John Walker

Carpenter

-

16-Os

1689-90

-

John Clayton

Clockmaker

<

<

n43

-

James Thorn

Carpenter

-

1758

-

NY1758

Thomas Coleman

Upholder

<

1-5-

1-66-69

-

Edward Ashwood

Ship Carpenter

<

<

-

GAP76

William Tweed

Ship Carpenter

Scot

1-75

1778

-

George Richmond

Carpenter

Scot

1780

-

VA1^92

William Armstrong

Coach Maker

Scot

1760s

1-88-1805

-

Robert Glover

Carpenter

-

<

-

GA1805

Charles Henn' Miot

Carpenter

-

rs-

1814-22

-

Samual Benge

Upholsterer

l-20s

1788

-

PA/dT-93

t lohn Cross. Ph.D., "Furniture in Colonial Jamaica, 1-00-1830" (dissertation. Royal College ot Art, 2002), Appendix Seven.

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS

WINTER 1004

APPENDIX c. Summary ot the Inventor}' of the Goods and Chattels of John Fisher, 1804^

Goods at Maggotty Hall PLintatiou, St. Andrews Parish

61 Slaves

68 Various Livestock

Small amount of furniture tor personal use

Goods at Kingston sold by Public Outcry

FURNITURE

V2 Doz 1 pr

Mahogany Chairs Mahogany Bedsteads Card Tables

1 Pembroke Table 1 Mahogany Sideboard andTrav'

1

Pembroke Table

1 Sopha

2 Setts

Dmmg Tables

1 Fluted Bedstead

1

Night Chair

3 Night Chair

I

Liquor Case Shades Toilet Tables

2 Bason Stands

1 Mahogany Bedstead

1 Press with Contents

1

Mahogany Wardrobe

12 Dining Chairs

6

1

Low Back Chairs Bureau and Bookcase

1 pr Card Table

1

Lumber Cart

r Boards

Plank

289h.

12 Logs 16

Mahogany Ditto

1837ft. 2666ft.

20 4 Logs

Mahogany Posts Mahogany

421ft.

46

Planks

^44ft.

21 Logs

Cedar

1652ft.

15 Logs

Juniper Cedar

1154ft.

1

Turning Lathe

t Probate Inventory, John Fisher (cabinetmaker. 1S04), ib/ii/3/ios U. National Ar- chive of Jamaica, Spanish Town, Jamaica.

I. The author would like to thank ail those that contributed to bring this article to fruition. In particular the staff, past and present, at London Metropolitan University and MESDA. who have encouraged and placed their faith in my research. Individuals I would like to thank include Sally Gant, Rick Pardue, and Tom Gray I am particularly grateful to Gary Albert for knocking this re- search into shape and making it fit for publication.

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

69

;. Stuart Susan of Lancaster Universit\' is in the process of publishing a book on the Enghsh cabinetmaking company Gillows. hler book will include a chapter covering the company's activi- ties in the Americas. Interest in this subject matter has begun to gain momentum and papers pre- sented at the Gordon Conference at MESDA in October 2004 as well as the Furniture Histor)' Society Conference in February 2005 are clear indications of this interest.

3. See Chapter Two of John Cross, Ph.D., "Furniture in Colonial Jamaica, 1700-1830" (dis- sertation. Royal College of Art, 2002); Greene and Pole, eds.. Colonial British America (Balti- more: John Hopkins University Press. 1988) 47-53; John Coatsworth. "American Trade with Eu- ropean Colonies in the Caribbean and South America, 1790-1812." William and Maiy Quarterly (April 1967).

4. See Cross. "Furniture in Colonial Jamaica."

5. Nancy Goyne Evans. American Windsor Chairs (New York: Hudson Hills Press in association with the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum. 1999); Ivan Sparkes, Ilje Windsor Chair: An Illustrated History of a Classic English Chair (Bourne End: Spurbooks. 1975), Introduction.

6. Bradford L. Rauschenberg and John Bivinsjr., Vk Furniture of Charleston, 1680— 1S20 (Win- ston-S.ilem. NC: Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts. 2003). 101--1019; Card files for John Fisher. Index of Early Southern Artists and Artisans. MESDA, Winston-Salem, NC; Cross, "Furniture ot Colonial Jamaica."

7. Goyne Evans, American Windsor Chairs, 335, 395.

8. Ibid., 42.

9. Probate Inventory, Alexander Henderson (1740) IB/11/3/20F.150— 154; the probate invento- ries mentioned in this article are all held at the National Archive of Jamaica. Spanish Town. Ja- maica (henceforth cited as NAJ).

10. The number of craftsmen discovered in Jamaica in the eighteenth centur\' is in excess of one thousand (see Cross, "Furniture ot Colonial Jamaici ); the database is built up trom a large number ot primary sources, including birrh, marriage, and death registers, probate inventories, advertisements, government records, company papers etc.

11. Documented turners in Jamaica in the eighteenth century were: trom the Catalogue 0} the Kingston Burial Register (London: Church ot |esus Christ and the Latter Dav Saints. 2003). Joseph Shalkley (1759) and John Pearson (1759). George Hungerford (1754). Tifford Willington (1746): from their probate inventories (NAJ) and Jack and Marion J. Kaminkow. A List of Emi- grants from Engltind to America. i-iS—isQ (Baltimore: Magna Ghana Book Co., 1964), George Fleming (1726), Jonathan Montgomen' (i"3i, p. 86), William Rankin (i'"S4, p. 19~), and George Anthony Stamp! (1730).

12. Craftsmen who owned lathes in Jamaica included; trom their probate inventories (NAJ). John Mitchell (cabinetmaker. 1800). John Fisher (cabinetmaker. 1804), Richard Osborne (carpen- ter, 1756), Joseph Stafford (carpenter. 1766), George Pearce (carpenter. i~2S). Richard Spencer (car- penter. 1743). Daniel McLenan (carpenter. 1751). Alexander Goldie (cabinetmaker. 1803). Alexander Hamilton (carpenter. 1792). David Reid (carpenrer. 1769). and John Harstead (carpenter. iSoi).

H. The nineteen turners that owned lathes are listed in endnotes 10 and 11.

14. From their probate inventories (NAJ): John Fisher (cabinetmaker, d.1804). John Mitchell (cabinetmaker, 1800), and Alexander Hamilton (cabinetmaker, 1-92).

15. Probate Inventories, NAJ.

16. Goyne Evans, American Windsor Chairs, 42

17. Probate Inventory, Peter Beckford (planter, 1-35), NAJ.

18. Frank Cundall, Ttje Governors of Jamaica in the First HalfoJ the Eighteenth Century (Lon- don: The West Indian Committee, 1937). 168; Alexander Lourie and Matthew Thurlow. two fel- low spcikers at the 2004 Gordon Conference ar MESDA. also spoke ot the use ot Windsor chairs

JOURNAL OF E.'^RLV .SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER 2004

in the colonial state capital buildings or council chambers in the eighteenth centun'. Lourie, research archivist at the Man'land State Archives, presented " 'Men.... of some influence in the dry': William and Washington Tuck and Annapolis Cabinetmaking, 1795-1858"; Thurlow, the Tiffany & Co. Foundation Curatorial Intern in the Department of American Decorative Arts at The Metropolitan Museum of Art. presented "Southern Capitols and New York Furniture: Tho- mas Constantine & Co. in Washington and Raleigh." MESDA Gordon Conference. S-9 Octo- ber 2004, Winston-Salem, NC.

19. Probate Inventories, NAJ.

20. Ibid.

21. Philip Wright, ed.. Lidy Ntigein's Dairy (London: The West Indian Committee. 1966), 20 May and 17 November 1804.

22. Goyne Evans, American Windsor Chairs, 65.

23. Ibid.

24. United Kingdom Public Record Office, Cust 3, 1699-1783. These customs records list items imported and exported during this time period. While the records are difficult to work with for a number ot reasons, they do provide us with an estimate of the pattern of trade and consumption of chairs between Britain and lamaica.

25. These chairmakers were Edward Crawford (carpenter, d.1713). William Warren (joiner, d.1730), Thomas Sheppard, Thomas (joiner. 1^1,0), and Robert Pitchard (joiner, d.1734). Probate Inventories, NAJ.

16. Cross, "Furniture in Colonial Jamaica," Chapter Three; information compiled from Brit- ish National Archive, Ctist 3, 1699-1783.

27. Probate Inventories. NAJ.

28. Mabel Munson Swan, "Coastwise Cargoes of Venture Furniture." Vv Magazine Aittiijiu-s vol. 40, no. 4 (April 1949): 278-80.

29. Ibid.. 2-8.

30. James Brobson, Landing Book. 1-90-180S. Downes Collection. Winterthur Museum and Gardens, Winterthur, DE.

31. Margaretta Lovell. "Such Furniture As Will Be Most Profitable," VCinterthnr Portfolio, vol. 26, no. I (Spring 1991): 60.

32. Ibid.

33. Swan, "Coastwise Cargoes ot Venture Furniture," 2S0.

34. Joseph Ott, "Exports of Furniture, Chaises, and Other Wooden Forms from Providence and Newport, 1783-1795," Tl)e Magazine Antiques, vol. 107, no. i (January 197s): 140-141; the ta- bles in Ott's article record ships going to Jamaica in the years 1784 and 1787.

35. The firm's records are all kept at the Pennsylvania Historical Society, Philadelphia, PA. It is unfortunate that the records are only catalogued according to date. While it is known that some 3SO correspondence related to the West Indies are included in these papers, it was impossible in the short time available to search the fifty-seven feet of shelves dedicated to the firm.

36. Dutilh, 1802, 77 X 531, Downes Collection. Winterthur Museum and Gardens. Winter- thur, DE. At Winterthur there is also a shipping order for Dutilh's ship the Betsey bound for Cape Francois, Cuba, with six dozen chairs onboard (1790, 23 October, 66 x 86.1).

37. Baltimore Port Records, 1782-1824, M. 761. Downes Collection. Winterthur Museum and Gardens. Winterthur, DE.

38. Nancy Evans, "Furniture Craftsmen in Philadelphia," (m.ister's thesis. Winterthur Pro- gram in Early American Culture. 1963), 107.

39. Ethel Hall Bjerkoe. 'Ihe Cabinet Makers of America, (Exton. PA: Schiffer Ltd.. 1978), 181-182.

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

40. Evans, "Furniture Craftsmen in Philadelphia." 107.

41. Goyne Evans. American Windsor Chairs, 81

42. For examples of contemporary British and non-Philadelphia low-back Windsor chairs, see Goyne Evans, American Windsor Chairs, 208. 239, 241-242; and Thomas Crispin, The English Windsor C/m;> (Gloucestershire, UK: Alan Sutton. 1992). 164-165.

43. Susan Stuart, "Gillow's 'Neat and Strong Windsor Chair for Home and Export in the Eighteenth Century." Regional Furniture, vol. 9 (1995): 71-80.

44. Ibid.. 73-74-

45. Ibid., 71-80; Andrew OShaughnessy, "The Stamp Act Crisis in the British Caribbean," William and Mary Quarterly (April 1994): 203, 226.

46. From Probate Inventories (NAJ): John Mitchell (cabinetmaker. 1800). John Fisher (cabi- netmaker. 1804), Alexander Goldie (cabinetmaker, 1803), and John Harstead (carpenter. 1801).

47. Cross. "Furniture in Colonial Jamaica,'" Appendix 7.

48. Lawrence Archer, Monumental Inscriptions of the British West Indies from the Earliest Date (London: Chatto and Windus, 187s), 114.

49. Geoffrey Beard and Christopher Gilbert. Dictioruiry of English of Furniture Makers. t66o— 1S40 (Leeds. England: W.S. Maney and Son. 1986). 242.

50. Gillows Company Index, Furnishing. Furniture and Textile Department. Victoria and Albert Museum. London. 2001.

51. Apprenticeship Records. Inland Revenue i. Guildhall Record Office. London.

52. South Carolina Gazette, s May 1767; Rauschenberg and Bi\'ins. Jl)e Furniture of Charles- ton, 1017

•53. South Carolina Gazette, s May 1767

54. Rauschenberg and Bivins, The Furniture of Charleston, 1004-1005.

SS- South Carolina Gazette, 16 May i~^i.

56. Rauschenberg and Bivins. Ihe Furniture of Charleston, 1017.

57. Ibid.. 1I~

58. Ibid.. 1002.

59. Ibid.. 117.

60. The only convincing evidence is found in the record of payment to "Elf & Hutchinson

for Furniture for the Council Chamber " which allows for attribution of South Carolinas ca.

1756 royal governor's chair (McKJssick Museum. University of South Carolina, ace. 5.1990) to Thomas Elfe and Thomas Hutchinson. Rauschenberg and Bivins. 356-360 and 1105.

61. South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, vols. 35—42 (1934— 1941).

62. The royal governors chair cited in endnote 49 exhibits the characteristics of a cetemonial chair, which is quite different from the design of chairs for personal use.

63. Rauschenberg and Bivins. The Furniture of Charleston, 365, 426-428.

64. Mabel L Webber, ed.. "The Thomas Elfe Account Book 1768-1775" South Carolina His- torical and Genealogical Magazine yo\. 38 (1937): 40.

65. Ibid.. voL 39 (1938): 87.

66. Probate Inventory. John Fisher (cabinetmaker. 1804). ib/ii/3/105 52. NAJ.

67. Waite left Fisher £50 South Carolina currency. Rauschenberg and Bivins. ioi~.

68. The Miles Brewton House has been in the ownership of the same family, the Manigaults. since it was built in the late i"'6os.

69. The specific nature of Fishers contributions, it anv. to the Miles Brewton House are not known and thete are three other woodworkers recognized to have had significant roles in the houses construction: Ezra Waite. John Lord, and Thomas Woodin; Jonathan H. Poston. Tlje Buildings of Charleston: A Guide to the City's Architecture (Columbia: L'niversity of South Carolina

JOURNAL OF EARLY SOUTHERN DECORATIVE ARTS WINTER 1004

Press. 1997)- With this in mind, it would be diificult to ascertain much information about Fish- ers style or techniques without knowing exactly which elements in the house Fisher worked on, if he indeed worked on the house at all.

70. Rauschenbetg and Bivins, Tlje Furniture of Charleston, 1018.

71. Ibid. 71. Ibid.

73. Ibid., 1017, 1018.

74. Ibid.. 1018. 1019.

75. Archer. Alonumentdl Inscriptions of British West Indies, 30; Thomas Fisher was not related to the furniture or allied trades. There is some confusion among modern scholars about the first name of John Fisher's brothet. but the inscription as recorded by Archer reads, "Thomas Fisher in memory of his brother John Fisher late cabinet maker in Jamaica in Kingston OB V November 1804 AET 67."

76. Cornwall Chronicle. Saturday, 29 May 1-84, Winterthur Library. Winterthur Museum and Gardens, Winterthur. DE.

7^. Rauschenbetg and Bivins. Die Furniture of Charleston, 1018.

^8. Catalogue of the Kingston Burial Register (London: Church of Jesus Christ and the Latter Day Saints. 2003).

79. Ibid.

80. Probate Inventory. John Fisher (cabinetmaker. 1804). NAJ.

81. Probate Inventory, John Fisher (cabinetmaker, 1804). NAJ.

82. Cross, "Furniture in Colonial Jamaica. " Appendix Five.

83. Ibid.

84. Probate Inventory. John Fisher (cabinetmaker. 1804). NAJ.

85. Probate Inventory, John Fisher (cabinetmaker. 1804). NAJ.

86. Ibid.

87. Cross, "Furniture in Colonial Jamaica. " 230—34.

88. Milby E. Burton. Charleston Furniture. 1-00—1S2';. (Charleston. SC: The Charleston Mu- seum, 1955), 31-32.

89. Probate Inventory. John Fisher (cabinetmaker. 1804). NAJ.

90. Ibid.

TRANSFERENCE OF SKILLS AND STYLES

f % t *

1; # ^ 4 »f <*. ;«i ^ ;•!?■ 4 ■1 -^ ■^. -^ i, ;^^ -^ ,^, :^ .,^

5' f ,« .,? -t- «r n ';« '.!^ i- 'f ;« 'vj V; 'ai^'f V f '4- > ■«;.

;i- ^4 ■=«^ f '^i 'i^. ■^. _H. '*' ;v '^ '4 -f W ^f * i * % * '\'

i '-^^ * « '* ■»: '.1?

.i y * 'j^ 5 '^f '^^^

^^^ y H '^- '?5 'i i

'« V- ^^l. ^4 n. .■- ■*

^■>i i '■% If '-^ .

^ * t Yf * 4 ':■

i # ■¥ 'i. *^. ^. V. i > :^ ^i 'st 'sf .^^

t_.f « 'v#;ii ^. %.

X- 'a k 'rf "t k i

^ » ;t- J. 4 * \ t # a g '% n '■%

% * * 8

.^ ,i''^: a ^ ^f ^'^

« "-^ n't M 4- a.^ a s % i * '^ \

;^ * -i "4- ^^ 'ir '%■

*. '■< '% ':4 i i y.

4 i- * '£. V ' i ^

* 'f '■« ■* '-# 'i > .4

■4 ji^ If ;« ''

'# :% ■'<■ ;4> '« •*,. ''# -^

•1 f- "*

«• *■ 'mI M

■9 »• i *

J « $ %

'k- '^ 1^ :«

*? li '># )^ ^ :4

1*=^ ['i i ■>«. ^ : ■

'-f t' i^. "-!?■* «.

?« '-^. ,a % 4 ^

^ •* ';f ;<^'af ■!!

^'f ;^- si < W ;«

■^ *E ■«« 5«. 'jt U

':*' ? ■«^: ,>*.■ j« "t.-

■« '*«?«;: ''if t:

'isr ;;«. vf ^i? ,4 =:?

4 S- -if -SE '.af- 4

* ;^ '^:? *, * *;

s ,i^ -i- ?i'i :%

■X ■■^■. %;■ 4 i >■?

^ *■ i- % '.^ A

■,<."■? '^ ■^, 's '^,

> ;« 'sf '<■ [4 '%

'^- T? ic •# > 'i.:

4 ^ -^ 4 '.^ ,ti

'^ A '4 '-i --i ''*:

,-, , _.. . ,;• ^ .-^ 4?i .'«.

* f<^ t« :<■ 4 4 V >i

«.• « ?i c 'Jt ^. :4-

s, ir « i 4 ',« i,

* *■ «. !« 4 -i ?,

.->*■ ■S^ J^ -i i^ SSI- '4

■4 >s .^ >i

*^ S «. 3f- /Si

«- 4- .*; .sJ *, 4- w

-i.

#-

t.

,r

.i

*;

■«

#

«••

?

%

><

■i:-

«'

fi

'»

£-1

•St

"^.■

'*j

'■<^

•i'

i.

■«,•

'i^

'i

'-■4

/*'

'?■

%

!

.I-

'*•

*.

'i:

;*!•'

'■*.

i:

.*■

'fir

'#•

'%

S'

'*'

*

•i

i

•L-

'/-

..*

.».-

'-«■

}l

'*.

*•

.''^'

*■

Vv.

-SI'

"*

^^

%

»

'■^

_>■

':.•

*;

■*■

'4^

.'^

'f.

'■*

'i

'n

'i

1^-

's

«*

4

*

*f

<4.i

«.

't

'^

J:'

'*

■V

*

«

i

.*^

.*'

:<

<

*

^*-'

|t

'i.

«-

<*■

#,,

4;

i

"4-

'«>■

'*

*■

•*■

.1

<«

i

' i}

.*

/*'

*..

i.

'v?

'i:

''^,-

.«'

4;

<j

i.

'*

^

i

4;

«•

«;;

'1

>•■

*''

//

'*

*.■

't

%

•y-

«,

'.^,

•s

f

■*■■

ft-

]i

■*■■

*.;<

'i'

1?

*

'*.!

' t

'1

' A-

'^•

'i

«

{

y-

*■

.'

>.

4-

4i

*•'

■4^

'«.

'A'

1*

'*■

4.

'^'

'vi

«

*

:■«■

*.-

<«'

*•

">>

V

#•

*:.

i

«,

*•

<■

'*■:

."'*

*

«,

■>:

,.,

i*

'*f >

' .(

'i

■ ■

'

■

i \ ,(•'^-

s- a J?. 45

^ 4: ■*■ '*

* ;« ^- Js,- 'i' '-s

'4 -x-^i- ■* 4 ■*.

* k 'at- '•M''J:'<i-

^'4' ^; ^' V /# ''?»' /i' :f<'. v*>' f>;, ,1.' i ^

69 ■ <«; 'V' i*^ ^^ i5» %f 4 ^Sfc .w :V 4^ -V '1 , V '^ '* 'i*?? V %' ^ ^%- 'I?*; -k 'i>' '»■' -if' i

' ^: 'W V ^: V V V^ ^^ $■ ^ %■ .^ i^' 4'

JV, ■!»■. 'V^- */ 'i;' -i^ 4' ■*■' *.' *»'■*' i' <%_ f; >f: *' <v.^ # * f ^ *' f-^

;*»*■ .*■ ■»; ii' 4' >: 'r t/ ^r #"4' ■i'^ *5 1. *i f' >■' ^ *. ^\ t' *'• V ■% ■¥ is-' .fei ^«( *' t-; */ !•■.'%' i' #" f;i' ?, *■ i^ *^ *^_ *' tj ■h ■*■' /i' -*-' ■*' ^ 4' *' W * 4^ t; i| *^ 4' ij *' f ; »^ <^, 4! ♦'^

*; * i«' V .*^ :«' i; >" jfe' 4i-'' *' 4! 4'' *" *-#' i.' •'*'■'"'" ^

,fij-^;^'V^»''s'4^>'

.*■ i^'* •* ^' ¥ ■'^^ * #^ * •;* •% '^' >

I^ i.' i' •• ■ '■■■ .. • ■; ':^' ^ ' * ■ .^■=' i * >• -i' ^i ■*•, ■!*■, '*■

, *,. '*■'. * , 4' t

*»;■ 'j^-i -ijij •*■

. :. -K *' f ' '*. '■;*'; 4'. "*i

;; *■■; :■' ■ ■ ^ »_ :»'■ :f ' :» -^ ■* !►" > ^!

i*'/*-' " '-:■ . ' ■■ . ■■■r?v f^'H '"*! f j * 'K '* ■'^; ■' -^ .»■ .^, ■«? -'ij 3^ ^^. >9.,.. .,«'' ,n,' 3; , V 'f,, ^ -i^ -*' ;f V*" #■ , V ■;#:,

■' "" ■ ' '~\ ■% -f ■■^- ■» .-^ * :%' -k' iiS- » -V i* 'V '3* iW ,»^

■, *»; ■ ji^ .;?« •>» yi -k -t^ js'' v* -f ' ■■^; 'is 4 A •'^' ^p_ '# ^?' ••»; -i i ^- ■*: "S'^ t T ti -p ■■& -^t' -V''^' '-I*' •♦». •^' ■> ■*' V '"^^ '*, '*' * ■' *' ^- ■-' '^' ise' ,«' :i[^ ■* -W f jl -f, .4 -K •* i ^V ^:.

■• .,-. •*; '^ '*f Jiti^W •> 4' * '"* '?■■. *' •*. ■* •*; , ^ -f^ M I* is' ^V4 * ij ^|« ^« f ^4' I-' V «►/* a' ] i^ :i^' -.4/ .ft; --U. ■•!« 4 • J»; ■■V 4>'^' 'ft ^*' -i*! 'V -*' ■'*' -K ^' '*: .^t; »' ^5sl •>. -si^ Jr -^ ^jfr ■■*' ■*' * -S 4^ 'J?! ^«- -f ' ■* 'f ' -(t^ .J Ij' v*^ ;ij i" ^^ JK '^kf 'i^ * •*_ <f. ^; ^^^ ■ j?_ '»' f V' *, «' *' ■•«' ■*' V ' V "4 •?: .^i ■?«- .»'? -If] •». •>' ■»* ^# f. h[ .^ 'k -W -f\ '■!«■ ^/*^ ^¥' ^ s ,

i^ ■«■ ■»? -je ij •» .»' i«' ;W ■.?». *: ^»' f *■' ■* -p -i >, ■.* -f , *•». -V ^ -i?- -W ;»; ;ir '^-^ -k ■!£ -a '^^ =>^ sS^' 4' '3f ^* -Sf' '.^' ^*"' ^*" *' ^' -i* ^

•€ ■% -W ;»; -^ -f^. -K ■!£ 'a 'ii^ =>^ sS^

« ^|K ^4/ '* i' !:K •»' =^ '^s; -f % .>■, ^» ?s, ,V f ■*; >*' .i^\i ;-^ it^'if ^R Jp^-J^^V^Vj^tf' », •*'' 'f"* ^', '1'"^ 'V 'K * ^, « -i; :.i;: "k ^^ i* :y is] 4!f ^f, -V 'J*' --'^ '9. '■* ■ * '» t' '*' ^'

:.■ ~T -W ■* ^W •>' ■» '*,<if •« *■ t_ r^/" |i_ t* ■» fs' ^^ V i,

■; '^' •¥ '■% W >3*' -Ift' -5k' ^% 'fe' ■■!/ <if' ^>' -k -ii. -P^ 'V ;?■ -'-t ■* '•' 'isi ■»>; si' ,js jf' ^■k '^^ % <* -f ■'*, 'S^' » '^ -l^] *•' .^ '♦' •J^, ■ r' vb! ■» »■ ^b!; •!* \)!?' sj»' ^k' :^_ «w 'i^ -s; ^^' it •<t' .«" .«, ■»' f; >:,:#^ # >if; .is' '%^ >V '*! .k' '* 'ih f i y 'K' '^. ^! ''^. -K '*. ■*" ;-. •* ^iir ^^' ^t tiw :i' ^' /5f- if -^ -i' V :?' •>" <*" >*' V V v'*

P '■$ ■'■»: ■.*.'■?■ ■■%'

>■* ;^" JJi ■% J> =S *

<ij >: € -H '^ -^ -^if If' »" f ' . ?• f • '-'f^ V 'V -ae^ ^V :»] •:»•, 'j"- jit .*; k 'M ■'*■ V 'k #' ^« ^js' -V f ■ •^' ^' ''f[ •*' « ;* V f k' f' k ^*;' ■»' -W ■>;' -^^ « '^' ^K '^1 ^S? ■■*' -i" '«' '»^ ?>' •* ^*, ;«? .*! .it? ,»^ k'-f^^'ii ^f -y * ^y f' ■>' '^^ •■** ■* V »' >>■ ',if' ^^W -k' Jr ■¥ ^' ^'^ (» :?i' ■*^ •*■ '#-' -i' * -V •>[ ■'% ](■' '^ -^^ 'V'-^'':k^f i'N.Ji'' >K '^'-if' ^*'^^' ■v^'':s- ^ji; ■t'''* ■:* J^^^Jf r^' V >r' js js'^ .i' 3^1 it' ■% ^i»f ■!(' ^^" .|^ ■% ^ ■*■' *' 'is' i'-^ y ■*• k k :W .W iit ■^' '»' ■.>? ^^' -.sf i(, 'i' -W i*' 'V > .? *'

a- i? .,i»;' i.-' -it *'.^ 'i»

iK .^^^j^ •V' -r i? ^'-k

•.,« ■■'% .'t ••> i ■**• ■•'•• :'%■ :k ^V > .V :* .«■■

' ,*■ |fi" ■■*' A «;.. '^' ' i^ \«^ i' .V -^r^ 4'

«>:_ ■»• '^^ .W -^^ *:

!»■ * ^\%' >^ i'

>' S-, > ,» .f: i»'

■>' '»; ■^' * * V

f.'»:f.f.'

•;; i^ * f .

11?, :»; ;.%■• '^ i-J- !?•, Kt. t-_

.%' 4' A' •^^ 4' '> 4' ^[ .i"-»]i* !?•[ "K 1. 1! '^

•r

*

?

*.

•lt

*,

1

'^'

*•

*

^,

■i^

f'

■■*

!f

■i ;.

*■

»'

^.

!»■

'«'!

f.

•%

1^'

%' *

J

.»••

>■

■*!

■f,

^'

••«

s '

f

i

»:

3»'

■«"

#',

■?'.

■$■

^

■f'

! '

i'

>■,

9

•?

•S

f

f

i

!>■''

i'

«-;

.»?

■f

*

f

■*

i

i

i;

f,

»

■«

■i'

'^.

*'

r

I

Si

*^

x^-

',«'

.*'

'^!

■»'

i-

?■'

7 >

i-'

f'

■%■

?■

?"

'*«'

^

K

!■

.*;'■?

f

?K:

f-

*. <!*■

t

i

■it'

*>'

■>■ ^

^f^

«'

'*•■

■'.*■

f

i

i-

'»

i

i' f

r

K

•M,

''i^

i-

^

*

*•

i

!> ■?

?'

*'

■>'

^

f

S;

,?'

%'

t

^'

k'

;t

'■*:

■*,

•»■

■i

*

?■

S-

*

*.

■*i

i?«'

'»■

»

i

?■

J -

J iv ^ s ■* ■* ¥ i k

s ':»; k #' * *' i' i5_ >^

■J -.i' .-»;'■?■' .■.*'■ i ■? f- a

J- -s^ vf ■» r iJ'-*' 5^ ■»

ifc? i^ m d 11' ^*'' * ^ -i

s y -^ ^ ^-k /it* >*" -ir jK >i/ .» :^ .ifc' .!?,■ •,•« .is" ^'

^^•■^ :k -p ■ *■ '^ k' .^' *( '.^^ -is' f ^ ■)*' ■>' ')K ^K 'i^ •* 3^:* %;•« :-W'it :»' ja -V-S* .k' * .i' r>'i»' ■ij-'^i. .*

lii '.J& .is 'K 38? ^ jfT 'P' M ■:» -V •>' 'V »' -'i * ..« ^>' iN>; 'iS 'V W '*' .v: ^l'^ 'V '^' -k .y =«; ■*■ .y '^ ^ i^' ■«.' ■ - ^ •- '.' .u i.: q .-.' ^ jp" ,iv J.' 4; .j;, . ^ ,jj\.^; ,^;

; »5 .Jt' W iW .% M i* .'«■ .^* vs." ;^-

._ .»: > ^> 'S.' V fe^ %' 4' -V ». «' j^^

■ * * *. 'S^ ..?«, .*, :» iW '* .4?".'i5. :»■ .?* '^ '» iV' ■»'

S»f s' i>; .^ .'» -•^' •»■ ■#

^i? .-W ■*' •» •;* .^^ 'k: .;«

,i; f , '5if ^ ■!«( <A ' Si"

? ^it- ^ ^ ;«■ .»■ ■»; :«' 'M ■% 'f» -w i.te .i -.^ 'i? <> :« V* .!if

'■' "' '' '"' '"" "-• .W p -V :* 'V » 'V: •» -ii -^ ^i •> :3"" ■ ■*. ^ :,■»• ;,;'' -^M ,« .;is' i* ■»:" ^^' .4' 'ir -i* ^^ -^ 'A ■*'

f ..W 'w j^ ^i ^ -it .jg' .ff,' 4?' .*' •V ;*_ ^i' -i' <W >>^ ^>.'

' ii .■!» ^ .jW !>' -k .'i»' ■*' '*, ■'.» ■■4 -.f 'f ' '.* 'k'

( ^ ^.,'*' ii* ■> -V v; ;* ■> •■* •* ^^ iV

■& ..-j^ ■^. V. ■> *' '..* :'<*. •..*■■ ■*: "? '•* '7 • ?■

•,*p^ i:_ :# ;Ar^

,i^ rf(' 4' .**" -V' ■* 1?' ■.*•

•♦^.^fi^.^^i?*

.:•* .# ,,.'»., ■;* .;s.

r i" ♦* i^- •^ ^. ♦* 4:^ ♦?* ^. 1*' ^'. e, i*. ^K ''■ ♦" »%"^ %■• ^:,*^ ♦^: *%* ,* if. e i* ^ f ~r

i: »■: v^ %" fN* ♦*■ i" et* •* v'^i e ^* '^.

- . ^- -^' .«/ .* i». :*i ... ■•> .w ;> ,«■ * .-.jfc ,»

■ ??• ^= '* -^ >i- ^- M^ f % 4 1^ -^ ^ i'f sh '^. %.4;'^'-4 %\t-^^ '-4 -k-

H '^ : w. "*- ;i r

I'-k t- '"^' * ^< ^ *

'* .t 'i; 3^^ '4'. ';., V*,

■f i'i^ '<='*. '?:.■*

;f )k '* "t f '* ;*■ > ■^ _«4 'j^- '* '■4 '-^''^ 'i '*• * 'i '* ^■f' -f '.? '-t.

f :4 '^ .^

!fi i rf 4:

'-f :4 'f ''«^

:f ;« ■* '% ^' .3!?^ ■•!■

> /^ ':f. ^* ^4f. >f '^

> * * -^ -^ '5# n, 4 ''4-- ^i ^,* ',f '^

'^ ■* ■# ^- ■4 4- * ^.

«* 7S. .^••. -i^- *f M, '4, %. ')4. ^. :*

I?. ;^ ',*: 1». -t^' "-^ ',f M '/ V. -^

% ''>4- 1^= V^ », ^^ ,«,. 51^ ^

•^; .*■• %: J^^

'# > f '?>?•■

■■^i :«^- 4 t-

'<■ "*. '.f^ '"^'

.i'-# 'i > ;^. 't'il-

;i '* ;^ ]^ j<; 4 Si- :^. ;^. 'i *«^ '^. 't 'i ;4- ,* ;^- '3!' ^ -i- '%■ :«■ V -i^ 'S € ■* _i

:^^ V- ■« 'i '-^ ' ! V .^ >• ^ «?• i 'i ^, 4- >■ H ^ ^ 'i ■«

:■«• 'i. ^, *^ ^,. ^^ :^

;*■ ,<*- ':«« ^- f- ^, V 5*. W % V- .^. - - '•: ■ '■ ■' ■

«J :i ^ 'S .<*. M '1* '^- '»< !-■« '* ^, 4 -i: ^ f| , V > > :«» W ^-H- ■«■ * .* ,-* [r '4- ;^.. i» -4, vf-

- ^ /^ '*■ ."^ .'■* '''^- .i /»■ '>*■ "*■ V- :t- "* t. :,£. ^ ■■*

_et 'sj ■<?. H W % '^ '-J? '-j -i-^.JS '*?• * "f ■ '^- ^- ? *t ■<< S i ■>?. ^ m \4 ■^. '■* * V ; < ^^; ^. ^ '■4 X. It. 'n- 'i i. [^ X ^ 4. ^ :^ \^

* * .^ .^" i '*'• *< * « ^^ i- )* 9. ^- f, J f ■«• .f t si .■«■ '-4 :*: '*! "? 'f .'t V »,.■ ':*

* * f /* 'l* .'*'■ ^ ■*« W ■<"*•> ■»! -i^-^ ■•

* ^ ^ ^''.^ *^ '■* ^- » H « -•* *? '-■% '« '« ■<•

* ."^ * .'5- '^ .'^- '■*■ '^'- '>*:■ ;^ '* X '*« '^. '^. V, ^

f ^ s^ -"^ * H _rf •{ ^^ >? 'ii 4 'j^ 4 '^ ^

4 % 4 ^ ^ % ■« VS. "i- '%'i -i/^. \i -ff ',i

.1- ■*! 4 Ss. ,5

U,._

■* i 4 .i i

i- i % ,t

^ ,? % ':!

X. 4 4 f ^.'* >?

■'X .^ ^' V ^

S « « * ^ Hr- ,:i

A- 94 4 .^ -f - '^

!? K *- W ;i 3. il

.•* ;*l ;s ;^ ;* w{ jf > .<•

iS '^-'i i 4 « '^^ '^ '^ i -*■({. -^z^- ^^,'s ■«. '-i

^4 t- '4 H '« '% 'ji, a/^ i: i )», 'j^ 'sj If

- ,-: - / »* ^-^ ^ i* '«■ 's /.^ < ii '-i ci

t « -'■ ,^- «5 « yj 4 .v^ ,X '-:j ■■i-. 4?:,:^ -.S'

* < 4 Si- rf A 4. :,< ^ z -4 *. J SK 't«-

i t'-l %

I *. 'i H

t- % 4 4 \«

« < :^ $■ i^ i S,. vi:

A-

# %■ i

* ^ •* i ;% ^i- ■*.#-

s;

i V.

^i 4 -i. 'i ''\- 4' \ 'k-

4

.f .'*■ '

4 "4 '*«■ *■ ■* '^ 'i '.f

i

'. **• .'^ ,■*

4- •.*■•*■ i- ;*'.f 'S. 'f

'/.

'/ A-'j

i *!■ ^ ■*■ ';-i. 'i 'i /,

' V

'«. J. 'v

^ ^ i- 4- M. \i » '\j

1

i A ■■«

4-"*-% ■^- W -i 4 A'-

-i

* .* "♦

S- » % 'i 4'S- \. '*

{

S « ':

/vW- X. t X V '*j W- * V >iji^ H 'i \ 'i.

'^ V 4 ^ « ^ a- 4i

'^- 35. ■«• tS .ij.

':P I ',i 'jf- # V-

H ji % 10 :^: '4 '■*. 4 \i

■*■■ 4 ^ _^' i

*■ * *. K

'%: ■* .«{. '^■

it-.-ii ■-*. i- ;^ 4 ^ ^, -< \j-_^.

X. ,t- A- \ ^ [4 ;t ;,^. ■^. ;,*. 4,

'i < if k \& ^ 'l

'^; A A- ^- 'i: ^. :f/.j

-i _^ J*: -i.

* 4- .* >i i. 4, .4.

'?;. ?i^' iW ^ V 4' % ¥ ^; '^'' '*l 4' •^:' •*!.■' 4

• *■. ■ /^ • /; ■ #'■■ *_• *.:■ *' ■ f ■■ &' lit &.' li J." J'' A

'ff^ •»^ «»., tS;, '*■: ■*■ '*^- ^, >•«■ ■?'. ■¥■ * ; '*: i». *'. f ; *^ I';'-'

i" 4^ . 'if-' 4\ -'V 'f i 'ir 4r; i^ 'i] 4. i^ % >:■ * kr f': #': ■'.■. -*' ^',4? *•' *' 5»-' 4-^ i*'' ^-W i' *[ #.' .jsi *' *■ ■r: 'fe' it'.'i'

♦ % ♦ »

♦■' *" *'■ ^;

^»P i» ^;^ ^ ^ ;;* *■ .^f.

'*

.»

.*■

'«■_

■>•

.;•*

•'*■

'*

t.

-«!■ ■;«■

ip ■<*.'

4'

f; -^^^

*.

.^;.iw -i^;

fl *.

$.■■

'*'■

'^.

■^^ t.'

'«'

'*■

"^.'

i'

»► t ■

'^,

^1*'

.*'

■*.

.*

•V

•.«

ii>

■.*■

•|r

■■?•• 4!

iV.'i'

t*-

* '?\

^r

;.!": '.js. tj:

'* " .?:

■Sf'

■^.

•'*

■*' '*.

■*-'

v«^

*■

•*'

'^\ '*{

:**

;■

^^'^f'^i^:-*^'^

■i

rV

'*■'

;*'

.*

•:»

•'»;

:'$'

i.;V

4; 4'

■.V >■«'

•.?•

v»/ •:«'

'»'

f -*? f^

'*' ■?'■■

>»*

*«

■*■

;« -if.'

.4'

'4'

;•♦'

4'

^*.' ■»■■

■*■

•?'

*■. *•■

f'v H

.%< ;5ii ■•;»■ I* » ■« .'« •?»

,*'

'.*

>.«<.

•:♦•■

.*:

•*

'i'

.•>'■

>V

'K '^*'

f . ■■* ■

>*

'•It'

■%l

4-' :ik' '^

'*■ -V

:#■'

',#

'»

■K ■«

«

■.«

',*'

•*.

»»^" •»*'

h"

i'

.♦ ■ f

*' 'J ■

*. '^\

I*

i4"

.v'

t ■:4

(.it

vi

!,V. >Ji'" -ii

■if ,**

■SI

■i'

■■*.

A'

•*■ as'

4," .*■■

*' 'K

4

.A* » '

^1. *■

i'- M»

<t < -f « >»;f ^';*f ,^,'f ,* 4 * #_?t #;-¥•. i- >% .*> * ^. :^- ^ .^ / ■^. #, ^'^ ^, ,^ :^. ^ --^^ :

' :*■ ^ ;f ^^ ^^ ''^- '•^^ ^^ U ;t 'i if^ -i -3^. s*. i^. '# H ■» "%■ «^ >> 4- ». y

f ;? V*- /^' .*.**;* ,f ,^ '* :« i- *■:'# ^'^^ «♦ '« 4. .^. ~^ •■«, '4 ^. '^. ■^;, >

' '^ ^ •> ;«f .4- ' * .* Ai' ?§ V -# ^' 4 ^ * ':*■ '-^ ^- ■:t- 'j* >f. 'i. >!!, 'i^: k 'j4

' ;# :f ;f t ;f ;i > ^; ' •■ ■ . • .. -. ■^, -^ ^ -^^ ^. ^. i^.

* »: ;(*. :c;* r-

^ *■ ;i|:. >^' '" ■■■ ■ ' "■ ' ■ St! «'•»-. i«' ,«,. ■»■■ -ik- 4

"i-. _i '^i .f-i «

i-W; V- *;,■ »?(

^ f ,'^^ ^ if' ^' .if- -Si: -^

•i' * v#: *. >■

'4 ■•*■ i' '^ '4

■i 4 <i. .*■■ « ;*■ *■ 'j?- «*' '*! i4- * &,

* 4[<ib'a. 'A- '4- ■*■ -^^ * ^#' ^- '*■ '*' L 1 '.*. '^ ijE> y ^> i^- --t ■*, 'i ''4- '4.

4- J^- 'iJ:

■%,'V

*■ 'f :

's

sf.-

'«'

St-

ft

*

« s*. 'a^:.-'!

i:#

;^-:*'

4-

J*

'4.

'*•

'■8

'a

4- '*.. -JJ^ *

?..y.-

•*'■ '■4'

'ft.

">«•

S!

4

■*,.

f.

i: W; iW- •>!

IS. -A

W' *

"»

';.'■•

'■^.'

'.*

%'

iC

#. w, >■;

«.. u

>.. .«•

i

\*-

4v

.4.

'.«

'•«'

« '

'. » '

» '.ft-

^ '■*'

'V

'f

,'*■

'*•■

'i.

'i

<f '

»■: a« ^^

'^^

■^^ ■ *

«.

•S'i

-*■

4

«^.

k

'X- :i- A^ \

.>4- '^ i- #.-